FROM RUSSIA WITH BITTERNESS— When geopolitical tensions flare, they sometimes spark unexpected moments of bipartisanship on the Hill. Lawmakers often, though not always, align broadly behind presidential displays of overseas power. That doesn’t look like it’s going to happen with U.S.-Russia policy this week, even after President Vladimir Putin’s government spent weeks moving troops near its border with Ukraine. The first reason is painfully simple: Five years of partisan scuffling over Russian interference in the 2016 election, to the benefit of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, has hurt lawmakers’ ability to forge credible cooperation on U.S.-Russia policy . After Democrats blasted Trump for his moments of apparent coziness with Putin, they’re now facing an attempted role-reversal moment with a GOP that wants to get as tough as possible, pressing for strong Russia sanctions to take effect immediately. In a way, that’s just Washington: The party out of power always looks to turn the tables, rhetorically, on the one with control. But in this case, Dems are also trying not to lose the political upper hand on Russia after their rhetoric during the Trump years. About that dynamic: Senators may be able to agree on a package of strong Russia sanctions, but they’re currently mired in debate over whether to hinge that financial punishment on a Russian invasion of Ukraine (as Dems would prefer) or pursue it immediately (as the GOP wants to do). “Even if Congress can cobble together and pass a bipartisan sanctions deal, don’t expect Republicans to get behind Biden’s Russia strategy,” POLITICO’s Hill foreign policy specialist, Andrew Desiderio, told Nightly. “Democrats spent enormous political capital bludgeoning Donald Trump for his deferential posture toward Putin, and Republicans are turning the tables on Biden,” Andrew added. “Look no further than the near- party-line split over Sen. Ted Cruz’s Nord Stream 2 sanctions bill, and what Republicans see as Biden’s fatal error in refusing to immediately impose sanctions as a deterrent to an invasion.” Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa) put it this way to Andrew today: “President Biden has really subscribed to a doctrine of appeasement. And that doesn’t deter an autocrat or a dictator like Putin.” The second reason we shouldn’t expect Russian aggression toward Ukraine to prompt much cross-aisle unity is the political hangover from the chaotic Afghanistan withdrawal that Biden presided over in August. Just as they did after the fall of Kabul, Republicans are readying a message that tries to turn a foreign crisis into a political weak spot for a president who staked his campaign in part on his ability to rebuild America’s reputation abroad. “When Americans were rushing to evacuate the American embassy in Afghanistan, Biden was on vacation,” the Republican National Committee tweeted amid reports of evacuations of U.S. embassy employees’ family members in Ukraine. “This weekend, he’s on vacation again.” And the third reason Biden shouldn’t expect politics to end at the water’s edge with the GOP on his approach to Moscow is simply that the current situation in Ukraine doesn’t resemble the last two major occasions when presidents won support — albeit measured and short-lived support — for targeted actions overseas. When then-Presidents Trump and Obama pursued airstrikes in Syria, those were limited operations with a professed goal of punishing a regime that built a chemical weapons program and eventually used it against its citizens. Biden’s administration is facing a problem with a complex array of possible solutions. The sheer scope of his options, militarily and diplomatically, doesn’t lend itself easily to rifle-shot statements of congressional support for specific aspects of his Russia policy. Biden has made clear he won’t directly bring troops into Ukraine. Rather, his goal is to support and protect neighboring NATO powers. And just as top Democrats followed Trump’s Syria strikes with clear insistence on a comprehensive plan to follow through, so will Republicans seek a longer-term strategy from Biden — even as they look for potential failings in anything they hear from him. Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. Reach out with news, tips and ideas at nightly@politico.com. Or contact tonight’s author at eschor@politico.com, on Twitter at @eschor.
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