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Showing posts with label ELEPHANTS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ELEPHANTS. Show all posts

Sunday, November 21, 2021

RSN: FOCUS: Jill Lepore | The Elephant Who Could Be a Person

 

 

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Happy (left) and Patty (right) at the Bronx Zoo in November 2021. (photo: Daniel Shea/The Atlantic)
FOCUS: Jill Lepore | The Elephant Who Could Be a Person
Jill Lepore, The Atlantic
Lepore writes: "The most important animal-rights case of the 21st century revolves around an unlikely subject."

The most important animal-rights case of the 21st century revolves around an unlikely subject.

The subject of the most important animal-rights case of the 21st century was born in Thailand during the Vietnam War. Very soon after that, a tousle-haired baby, she became trapped in human history. She was captured, locked in a cage, trucked to the coast, and loaded onto a roaring 747 that soared across the Pacific until it made landfall in the United States. She spent her earliest years in Florida, not far from Disney World, before she was shipped to Texas. In 1977, when she was 5 or 6, more men hauled her onto another truck and shipped her to New York, to a spot about four miles north of Yankee Stadium: the Bronx Zoo. In the wild, barely weaned, she’d have been living with her family—her sisters, her cousins, her aunts, and her mother—touching and nuzzling and rubbing and smelling and calling to each other almost constantly. Instead, after she landed at the zoo and for years after, she gave rides to the schoolchildren of New York and performed tricks, sometimes wearing a blue-and-black polka-dotted dress. Today, in her 50s and retired, she lives alone in a one-acre enclosure in a bleak, bamboo-shrouded Bronx Zoo exhibit called, without irony, “Wild Asia.”

This fall, on a day nearly barren of tourists, I rode through Wild Asia on a mostly empty monorail, the Bengali Express, over the Bronx River. “You’ll have no trouble spotting the next animal on our tour, the largest land mammal,” the tour guide said, dutifully reciting a script. “The lovely lady we’re meeting right here, her name is Miss Happy.” A few yards away, behind a fence of steel posts and cables enclosing a small pond, a stretch of grass, and a patch of compacted dirt—an exhibit originally named the “Khao Yai,” after Thailand’s first national park—Miss Happy stood nearly still and stared, slightly swaying, as she lifted and lowered one foot. Miss Happy has managed “to keep her wonderful figure in shape,” the guide said, as if she were describing a vain, middle-aged woman, and the zoo takes “very, very good care” of her: She receives “weekly pedicures and baths,” she said, as if this were an indulgence, the zoo a spa. The script did not mention that the pedicures are necessary to help prevent crippling and even fatal foot disease, a common consequence of captivity, since, in the wild, these animals, traveling in families, often walk many miles a day.

I rode the monorail again. Happy stood and swayed and stared and lifted and lowered her foot. Next year, maybe as soon as January, the New York Court of Appeals will hear oral arguments regarding a petition of habeas corpus that alleges that Happy’s detention is unlawful because, under U.S. law, she is a person. She is also an elephant.

A “person” is something of a legal fiction. Under U.S. law, a corporation can be a person. So can a ship. “So it should be as respects valleys, alpine meadows, rivers, lakes, estuaries, beaches, ridges, groves of trees, swampland, or even air,” Justice William O. Douglas wrote in a dissenting Supreme Court opinion in 1972. Pro-life activists have argued that embryos and fetuses are persons. In 2019, the Yurok tribe in Northern California decreed that the Klamath River is a person. Some forms of artificial intelligence might one day become persons.

But can an elephant be a person? No case like this has ever reached so high a court, anywhere in the English-speaking world. The elephant suit might be an edge case, but it is by no means a frivolous case. In an age of mass extinction and climate catastrophe, the questions it raises, about the relationship between humans, animals, and the natural world, concern the future of life on Earth, questions that much existing law is catastrophically ill-equipped to address.

The U.S. Constitution, written in Philadelphia in 1787, rests on a chain-of-being conception of personhood. The men who wrote the Constitution not only made no provision for animals or lakes or any part of the natural world but also made no provision for women or children. The only provision they made for Indigenous people and for Africans and their descendants held in bondage was mathematical: They calculated representation in Congress by adding up all the “free Persons,” subtracting “Indians not taxed,” and counting enslaved humans as “three fifths of all other Persons.” When the question was raised in Congress earlier, about whether, in that case, domesticated animals like cattle ought to count toward representation, Benjamin Franklin had offered a rule of thumb for how to tell the difference between people and animals: “Sheep will never make any insurrections.” He did not mention elephants.

Much of American history is the story of people, rights, and obligations left out of the constitutional order making their way into it, especially by constitutional amendment. The purpose of amendment, as early Americans understood it, was “to rectify the errors that will creep in through lapse of time, or alteration of situation.” Without amendment, they believed, there would be no way to effect fundamental change except by revolution: everlasting insurrection. But, like the peaceful transfer of power, the people’s ability to revise the Constitution is no longer to be relied on: Meaningful amendment became all but impossible in the 1970s, just when the environmental and animal-rights movements began to gain strength.

The Constitution has become all but unchangeable; the natural world keeps changing. The average annual temperature in Philadelphia in 1787 was 52 degrees Fahrenheit. In 2020, it was 58. Last year, the World Wildlife Foundation reported that wildlife populations around the globe have declined sharply in the past half century, with the species it monitors falling by an average of two-thirds. “We are wrecking our world,” a head of the foundation said. Most of the latest extinctions are due not to climate change but to habitat loss. Meanwhile, in the violence of human conquest of animal territory and the atrocities of factory farming, diseases cross from animals to humans and back again. Nearly 5 million people have so far died of COVID-19, which will not be the last zoonotic pandemic. Humans, having destroyed the habitat of many of the world’s other species, are now destroying their own.

New federal and international laws could help, but Congress barely functions and most environmental treaties are either nonbinding or not enforced and, in any event, the United States is not party to many of them, having largely withdrawn from the world. With so many legal, political, and constitutional avenues closed, the most promising strategy, influenced by Indigenous law, has been to establish the “rights of nature.” One such approach relies on property law. Karen Bradshaw, a law professor at Arizona State University, argues that wildlife such as bison and elephants have ancestral lands, and that they use, mark, and protect their territory. “Deer do not hire lawyers,” she writes in a new book, Wildlife as Property Owners, but if deer did hire lawyers, they’d be able to claim that, under the logic of the law of property, they should own their habitats. Another approach, the one taken on behalf of Happy by the Nonhuman Rights Project (NhRP), a sort of animal ACLU, relies on common law. It takes inspiration from abolitionists who used habeas corpus petitions to establish the personhood, and gain the freedom, of people held in bondage. Both strategies risk pitting animal-rights activists against environmentalists, two movements that have often found themselves at odds. (Environmentalists, for instance, wanted wolves in national parks, but accepted that wolves outside the park could be shot by hunters and ranchers.)

This case isn’t about an elephant. It’s about the elephant in the courtroom: the place of the natural world in laws and constitutions written for humankind. In the wild, the elephant is a keystone species; if it falls, its entire ecosystem can collapse. In the courts, elephant personhood is a keystone argument, the argument on which all other animal-rights and even environmental arguments could conceivably depend. Elephants, the largest land mammal, are among the most intelligent, long lived, and sentient of nonhuman animals, and, arguably, they’re the most sympathetic. As moral agents, elephants are better than humans. They’re not quite as clever, but, as a matter of social intelligence, they’re more clever than every other animal except apes and, possibly, bottlenose dolphins, and they’re more decent than humans. They live in families; they protect their young; they grieve their dead; they don’t eat other animals, and they don’t cage, isolate, and torture them. Elephants appear to possess a theory of mind: They seem to understand themselves as individuals, with thoughts that differ from the thoughts of other creatures. They suffer, and they understand suffering.

The Bronx Zoo insists that Happy is not alone: There is one other elephant at the zoo, Patty, and although they’re kept apart, they can sometimes see and smell each other, and even touch one another’s trunks. (Patty and Happy take turns being on exhibit, and also use a small yard, off-exhibit, and each has a stall in an elephant barn.) The zoo has dismissed the case as nothing more than a cynical public-relations scheme. And certainly Happy’s plight has attracted a slew of celebrities. “Everyone knows that elephants are social animals,” Mia Farrow tweeted while the NhRP pursued a #FreeHappy campaign. “No matter how much money you make by displaying her, it’s wrong. Let Happy join other elephant friends at a sanctuary.” Nearly 1.5 million people have signed a petition calling for Happy’s release. Happy is not Happy, read a sign carried by a little girl dressed in a gray-fleece elephant suit, during a 2019 protest held at the zoo. “We would have taken her case if she’d had a different name,” Steven Wise, head of the NhRP, told me. But the name helps. In the 1960s, the ACLU, in choosing to challenge Virginia’s miscegenation laws, selected as a test case the interracial marriage of Richard and Mildred Loving. The ACLU wanted Loving v. Virginia to be about love; the NhRP wants Happy’s case to be about happiness. It also doesn’t hurt their case that her misery comprises forms of distress that many humans, just now, understand better than they used to. In this 21st-century Planet of the Apes moment, humans have so ravaged the planet that many feel themselves caged, captive, isolated, and alone, dreading each dawn, so many humans wearing elephant suits, seeing in Happy a reflection of their own despair.

That’s not the only mirror in this story. Happy’s lawyers at the NhRP found Happy to be an attractive client for many reasons, but among them is that, in 2005, in an extraordinary experiment conducted by the cognitive ethologist Joshua Plotnik, she became the first elephant proven to recognize herself—as a self—in a mirror. This test, which only great apes, dolphins, and elephants have passed, is a measure of a species’ self-awareness, which is often linked to a capacity for empathy. But Plotnik, who runs a lab at CUNY’s Hunter College and leads a nonprofit called Think Elephants International, has reservations about the NhRP’s case and regrets the way its litigation has deployed his work. The Bronx Zoo is run by the Wildlife Conservation Society, whose mission is to conserve habitat in 14 of the world’s largest wild places, home to more than 50 percent of the planet’s diversity, and is a leader in efforts to reduce human-elephant conflict in Asia and restore elephant populations and fight poaching in Africa. (In 2016, its campaign “96 Elephants”—for the 96 elephants then killed in Africa every day—helped lead to a near-total ban on the sale of ivory in the U.S.) “Why WCS?” Plotnik asks about the NhRP’s choice of adversary. “Why target them? Why not a roadside zoo that we all agree is taking terrible care of an elephant?” Arguably, every dollar the WCS spends fighting a case involving this single captive elephant is a dollar it doesn’t spend on the preservation of habitat for millions of elephants in the wild, including the mere thousands remaining in Thailand.

“I think the Wildlife Conservation Society is great,” Wise told me. “But all we care about is our client.” Amicus briefs have been filed on Happy’s behalf by a legion of the country’s most respected lawyers, philosophers, and animal behaviorists, including Laurence Tribe, Martha Nussbaum, and the much-celebrated scientist Joyce Poole, who has studied elephants for nearly as long as Happy has been alive, and who co-directs ElephantVoices, a nonprofit research center that studies elephant communication, cognition, and social behavior. Briefs in support of the WCS, on the other hand, as Tribe pointed out to me in an email, have been filed instead by “groups with a strong economic self-interest,” such as the National Association for Biomedical Research, which claims that establishing personhood for Happy risks the future of all laboratory testing on all animals. And, as Poole observed in one of her own affidavits, none of the many highly regarded WCS scientists who study elephants in Asia and Africa has contributed an affidavit in support of the zoo’s position that Happy should remain in the Bronx.

No historians have been involved in the case. But elephants, which can live into their 70s, appear to possess not only a theory of mind but also a theory of history: They seem to understand their lives as a series of events that take place over time; they remember the past and know that it’s different from the present; they might well wonder and worry about the future. Most other nonhuman animals live in the present—so far as humans know, anyway—but elephants are, like humans, historians.

Elephants cannot write autobiographies, of course. But for a long time, the people who subscribed to a chain-of-being ranking of all creatures believed that the same applied to whole classes of humans. In 1845, after Frederick Douglass wrote his autobiography, the abolitionist Wendell Phillips wrote him, “I am glad the time has come when the ‘lions write history.’” Douglass was not a lion. “We are two distinct persons, equal persons,” he once wrote to the man who once claimed to own him, as if he were an animal. “You are a man, and so am I.”

An elephant is not a man, and an elephant cannot write history. But an elephant might very well be a person, and every elephant has a history. The NhRP says that no elephant should live alone; the Bronx Zoo says this particular elephant should, because of her past: “Happy has a history of not interacting well with other elephants,” the zoo’s director, James Breheny, said in his affidavit. What if another way to consider this case, then, is biographical? It wouldn’t answer the question of what Happy wants, but it would contain within it a tale of atrocity and slaughter, care and tenderness, loss upon loss: the unraveling and un-constituting of worlds.

Around 1970, Harry Shuster, a South African lawyer and businessman, placed an order for seven baby elephants. Shuster had earlier opened an animal park called Lion Country Safari in Florida, not far from Disney World, and was now preparing to open another one in Southern California, a $12 million “un-zoo,” a drive-through safari just off the San Diego and Santa Ana freeways, outside Irvine. He said he expected the 500-acre site to be “the next Disneyland.” In California, he got some of his elephants from Hollywood, including an Asian elephant named Mocdoc. She’d spent much of her life performing for Ringling Bros. circus until, in 1966, she became a star of the safari-themed television series Daktari. After the show was canceled, Shuster bought her. But what Shuster really wanted were elephant babies, as adorable as Disney’s Dumbo. By one account, he paid $800, in advance, for seven calves. He planned to name them after the seven dwarfs from Walt Disney’s 1937 film Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs: Grumpy, Sleepy, Doc, Sneezy, Dopey, Bashful, and Happy. Mirror, mirror, on the wall …

To capture and transport them, Shuster very likely hired an outfit called the International Animal Exchange, although this is impossible to confirm. Details of Happy’s life are hard to come by, and harder to corroborate. Lion Country Safari was not able to locate its records from the 1970s, the International Animal Exchange declined to speak with me, and the Bronx Zoo did not respond to my request to see its files on Happy. I did, however, speak to some of Happy’s former keepers, and this account relies, too, on a wealth of documentary evidence.

The International Animal Exchange was run by a man from Michigan named Don Hunt, who’d started out with a pet store in Detroit and then starred in a nationally syndicated children’s television show called B’wana Don in Jungle-La, with his trained chimpanzee, Bongo Bailey. In 1960, Hunt used the money he made from the TV show to start the International Animal Exchange. In 1968, it provided nearly all of the hundreds of animals purchased by Busch Gardens, in Tampa. And by 1969, according to Hunt, it had grown to become the largest importer of wild animals in the world. (The company remains in family hands and chiefly provides animal transport.)

Hunt’s brothers ran the business from Detroit, but Hunt lived in Kenya in a house “adorned with elephant tusks and leopard skins,” according to a 1969 Newsweek article, and kept a pet cheetah, as if he lived on the set of Daktari. His biggest money came from supplying monkeys to laboratories, but he also did a brisk business, he told Newsweek, in “baby elephants.” He only ever caught animals to order, Newsweek reported, “never on speculation.” In Africa, Hunt did much of the capturing himself. “Giraffes have to be lassoed,” he told Newsweek. “It has to be done quickly.” In other parts of the world, the International Animal Exchange contracted with private dealers who hired local hunters. Prices were high, Hunt told The Wall Street Journal in 1971, when the International Animal Exchange was supplying four out of every five animals imported by U.S. zoos: “Zebra, $2,000 to $2,500; giraffe, $5,000 to $6,500; small antelope, $1,000 to $4,000; rhinoceros, $7,000 to $10,000; leopard, $1,000 to $1,500; and lowland gorilla, $5,000 to $6,000.” He concentrated, he said, on the babies and young adults. Between 1969 and 1970, Hunt’s company’s gross revenue doubled.

In the wild, elephants live in matriarchal herds where all the females help raise the young. Calves spend the first few years of their lives nursing, and are virtually inseparable from their mothers. Males usually venture out on their own in their teens. But female elephants seldom leave their mothers. The seven calves that came to be known as the seven dwarfs were very young; Happy seems to have been less than a year old when she was captured. Methods of capture vary, but capturing a calf can involve killing its mother and other adults that die trying to protect it, as reported in a recent study by TRAFFIC, a conservation organization that works on the wild-animal trade. An expedition that captured many very young calves—like the one in which Happy might have been caught—might have involved the slaughter of most of a herd.

After the terror and tragedy of capture, and having been separated, forever, from their mothers, sisters, aunts, and cousins, calves were typically herded into a corral. “Catching an animal is the easy part,” Hunt said. “It’s after capture that the work starts.” They’d have been kept in the corral for a month—an adaptation period, Hunt explained. Young elephant calves would have had to learn to take milk from a bottle; older calves would have had to get used to eating not local plants but oats, corn, and soybeans. Hunt said that the “animals must become accustomed to man, too, and they must adjust to the shock of losing their freedom.” To prepare animals for travel, he set up speakers and played tapes of the noise of traffic, airplanes, and ships, over and over. The seven calves were herded into cages and flown to the U.S. Lion Country’s youngest elephants were so young that they had to be fed formula, by bottle, every four hours. According to one report, Sleepy died soon after arriving in California, and was replaced, although other sources suggest that all seven calves went instead to Florida.

“Two baby elephants came by truck on opening day,” the Los Angeles Times reported in June 1970. It’s possible that those two were Happy and Grumpy, another female, who seemed, from the start, inseparable. “They were buddies,” a former keeper told me. By opening day, the California Lion Country Safari boasted more than 800 animals, including ostriches, chimpanzees, wildebeests, gazelles, elands, impalas, giraffes, flamingos, camels, and lions. But Shuster was scrambling to add more. “Lion Country Safari, a great hotel for wild animals, is not yet filled,” the Times reported. Seven rhinos arrived only the night before the opening, even as “at least 13 cheetahs, 55 lions, 6 hippos and 80 more antelopes are still on the high seas.” Fifty zebras were “in quarantine in New Jersey.” Most of all, the public wanted “zoo babies,” which were said to “fall in love at first sight with human stepparents.”

Lion Country represented the vanguard of a new era of zoo. (It also appears to have been the inspiration for Michael Crichton’s Jurassic Park.) “You stay in your little steel cage (your car), windows up, and gawk as they gambol, cuddle in the shade, grumble over a hunk of horse bones, or take a swipe at your windshield wiper,” the Times reported. “Over on a hillock, elephants—ears flapping in the wind—play tag—you’re it—with nary a thought of the caged homo sapiens cruising by.”

Terry Wolf is now retired, but he started working at Lion Country Safari in Florida in 1970 and went on to become its director of wildlife. “We had good intentions,” Wolf told me. “And it was a different time.” Flipper was on television (think of Lassie, but with a dolphin), he reminded me, and so was Grizzly Adams (Lassie, but with a grizzly bear). Ads pitched Lion Country as the perfect family outing: It would feel like traveling to Africa or Asia, without all the hassle of passports and malaria shots. One advertisement asked, “Why not round up your pride and bring them to Lion Country today?” A billboard at the entrance read:

NO TRESPASSING

VIOLATORS WILL BE EATEN!

When Happy left Thailand, she flew into American history. In 1971, while war raged in Vietnam, Henry Kissinger, a divorcĂ©, took his two children, ages 10 and 12, on a trip to California. That year, Kissinger, Richard Nixon’s national security adviser, went on a top-secret mission to China. In California, an awkward Shuster, a very distracted-looking Kissinger, and the children posed for a photograph at Lion Country with “the prize baby elephant of the animal preserve.” (Shuster never had much to do with the animals, Wolf told me. “He never had so much as a goldfish for a pet.”) Shuster, in a suit and flashy tie, appears to be attempting to hold the very young Asian elephant in place while the children pet its back. It might even have been Happy, an elephant orphan, made into a plaything for the children of statesmen.

“Why should they want to escape?” Shuster once asked, about the animals in his drive-through safaris. In the wild, he said, they never had it so good. Only one elephant ever escaped from Lion Country Safari, California. An Asian elephant named Misty crashed her way out and charged toward the 405 freeway. When her keeper tried to chain her legs, she killed him. She stepped on his head and crushed his skull.

“Want more than fries from your drive-through?” asked a television ad for Lion Country Safari, Florida. “Drive Yourself Wild!” In 1972, Lion Country put the dwarfs on exhibit in Florida, where they were tended to by a series of beautiful young women, their own Snow Whites. Was Happy happy? One keeper said the elephants were misnamed. “Grumpy should be Sleepy,” 28-year-old Linda Brockhoeft told the Fort Lauderdale News. “Sneezy is the grumpy one.” Doc was mischievous and Dopey wasn’t necessarily daft. Brockhoeft loved Bashful best.

In Florida, the seven dwarfs lived in a petting zoo called Pets Corner, in a cement-floored, U-shaped pen, with a little lake and fountain. “Visitors could walk into the center of the U, where the elephants could walk right up to them and people could pet the elephants and touch them and the elephants would wind their trunks around them,” Carol Strong-Murphy told me. She worked at Lion Country from 1972 to 1974. It was her job to take care of the baby elephants, 10 hours a day, six days a week, feeding them and minding them and sweeping out a little barn, where each calf had a stall with its name on it, like the beds of the seven dwarfs in Snow White. She was devoted to them, and found them ingenious. “Those elephants could do anything: untie your shoes, get into your pocket, take your keys, open any door,” she said. They could escape pretty easily, but she figured out that all they really wanted to do was get back in, to be with the rest of the herd. “If I just got the other six to the opposite side, the one would climb back in.” It took her only two days, she said, to tell them all apart. “Happy,” she said, “was just a really nice elephant.”

For a few, cash-rich years, the business grew, and Shuster acquired more animals, and more elephants. In 1972, he opened a new Lion Country in Grand Prairie, Texas. But when the price of gas began to rise, Shuster started selling off his most valuable animals to raise cash. In 1974, the seven dwarfs, now likely around four years old, were separated. Shuster sold Sneezy to the Memphis Zoo, which loaned him to the Tulsa Zoo in 1977. (Sneezy is still there, but the Tulsa Zoo did not reply to my queries about his history.) Dopey and Bashful were sold from one circus to another before ending up in the George Carden Circus in 1993, under new names: Cindy and Jaz. As of this spring, Cindy was still traveling with the circus and performing. (The circus did not reply to my queries.) Doc died in a zoo in Canada in 2008. I don’t know what happened to Sleepy.

Happy and Grumpy were inseparable. “They were sweet little girls,” Terry Wolf told me. “Happy was the shy, reserved one. Grumpy was more playful, the one to steal all the treats out of your pocket.” They were three feet tall when he met them in Florida. When the other dwarfs were sold to other zoos and circuses, Happy and Grumpy were shipped, by truck, to the Lion Country Safari in Texas, another few thousand miles, to yet another Sun Belt state. At the Grand Prairie site, children could ride on boats shaped like hippopotamuses through the baby elephants’ little lake. In May of 1974, a photographer captured Grumpy (“a recent arrival”), deep in the water, reaching her trunk up to a little girl in pigtails who was riding on one of the boats. That summer, Grumpy was caught on camera reaching for a hot dog held by a 12-year-old girl.

Two years later, in September of 1976, as the gas crisis worsened, Shuster closed the Lion Country Safari in Texas. All of its animals—but not the site—were sold for $271,000 to the International Animal Exchange, which hoped to secure a lease on the land and reopen the park as the Lion Country Safari and Wild Animal Breeding Farm: They intended to use it to breed animals to stock other parks. But by January of 1977, the fate of the animals remained uncertain, and in March, the International Animal Exchange sold Happy and Grumpy to the Bronx Zoo. That same year, two young elephants, both four years old, not much younger than Happy and Grumpy, escaped from the Grand Prairie site: While they were waiting to be shipped to Japan, they had been kept inside a locked truck and, somehow, they got out. Likely, Happy and Grumpy had been locked in a truck too.

The Nonhuman Rights Project argues that no elephant should live in solitary confinement in a one-acre enclosure. Wise is sure he knows how Happy feels and what she wants. “She is a miserable, depressed, extraordinarily lonely elephant,” he told me, and said any elephant would be, under those conditions. He blames people at the Bronx Zoo for her misery. “They certainly don’t love Happy. Why didn’t they just put her in a spectacular sanctuary?” (The NhRP had arranged that: Last year, the Elephant Sanctuary in Tennessee signed an affidavit in support of the NhRP, pledging to offer a place for Happy. But shortly afterward the sanctuary asked the NhRP not to file the affidavit and issued a statement distancing itself from the case and describing the Bronx Zoo as a “well-respected and fellow-accredited member of the Association of Zoos and Aquariums.”)

Happy isn’t any elephant, Breheny, the zoo director, says. She is a particular elephant, who doesn’t get along with other elephants, and who is extremely anxious about any kind of travel and “becomes particularly distressed even by short moves within the zoo.” The NhRP’s argument that Happy would be better off in a sanctuary, Breheny says, neglects “the particular needs, wants, and temperament of any one elephant” and rests on research like the work done by Joyce Poole on elephants in the wild. Poole says her research is relevant to Happy’s condition and argues that if the zoo maintains that Happy has had a hard time getting along with other elephants and is miserable being moved, these claims are not evidence that Happy should stay where she is but are, instead, confirmation of “the zoo’s inability to meet Happy’s basic needs.”

Happy is a particular elephant, but she also stands for all elephants: A test case uses an individual to make a rule about a category. And if the courts recognize her as a person, that ruling will help establish the rights of nature itself. This particular test case is also caught up in the difference between personhood, as a legal concept, and personality, as a concept in the study of animal behavior. “Personality” means consistent individual differences in the way animals behave, measurable traits, like boldness, innovation, sociality, and fear of novelty, as Joshua Plotnik explained to me. There’s no such thing as a typical elephant personality, any more than there’s such a thing as a typical human personality. Happy has a particular personality, and elephants with different personalities respond differently to different situations. Would she, at this point, thrive in a sanctuary? “The sanctuaries, lawyers, and scientists who have never met her really need to consider Happy as an individual, with unique experiences and needs,” Plotnik told me. Plotnik, who worked at the Central Park Zoo when he was in high school, knows and admires zookeepers—people animal-rights activists tend to demonize—and he trusts that Happy’s keepers want what’s best for her, even if, as he pointed out, they shouldn’t be the only people involved in figuring that out.

Another way to close the distance between “any elephant” and “this particular elephant,” though, would be to establish the history of the category to which Happy actually belongs, not elephants in the wild but elephants in the United States. Happy carries on her wide, gray back this terrible history, a fable about the brutality of modernity. It begins with the very first elephant in America. She was called, simply, “the Elephant.”

The Elephant, a two-year-old female from Bengal, was shipped from Calcutta on the America in 1795 and reached Philadelphia in 1796, not long after the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. A broadside celebrated the 3,000-pound animal as “the most respectable animal in the world” whose “Intelligence … makes as near an approach to Man, as Matter can approach Spirit.” She was said to be “so tame” as to travel “loose, and has never attempted to hurt anyone.” In 1797, she traveled to Cambridge, Massachusetts, in time for Harvard’s commencement. Very soon, this seemingly most exotic of animals became a symbol of the new United States, an adopted animal ancestor.

Even before the Elephant toured the United States, Americans had been unusually interested in elephants. Benjamin Franklin collected tusks and elephant bones, knew the difference between the African and the Asian elephant, and, on “the scale of beings,” placed the oyster at the bottom and the elephant at the top. In making this assessment, he relied on knowledge of antiquity and also on English travel narratives. In 1554, John Lok, ancestor of the political philosopher, served as master of a ship voyaging to present-day Ghana; it brought back “certeyne blacke slaves”—the first enslaved Africans in London—250 elephant tusks, an elephant head, and a report of the elephant: “Of all beastes they are moste gentyll and tractable,” according to this report, “for by many sundry ways they are taught and do understand: in so much that they learne to do due honour to a king, and are of quicke sence and sharpenes of wyt.” Or, as the English clergyman Edward Topsell wrote in his Historie of Foure-Footed Beastes in 1607, “There is not any creature so capable of understanding as an Elephant.”

But there was another reason Americans were interested in elephants. Franklin regretted the extinction of the American elephant, “no living elephants having been seen in any part of America.” But the bones and teeth of a so-called animal incognitum, a massive, unnamed animal, had been found along the Hudson and Ohio Rivers, starting in 1705, and when some turned up in South Carolina, enslaved Africans pointed out that they resembled the bones of African elephants. In 1784, Ezra Stiles, the president of Yale, wrote in his diary about a newfound tooth, “but whether an Elephant or Gyant, is a Question.” Thomas Jefferson set about finding a living specimen of this animal—he called it a “mammoth”—in order to answer the insult made by a French naturalist who had declared, “No American animal can be compared with the elephant.” Jefferson charged Meriwether Lewis and William Clark with finding an American elephant. “In the present interior of our continent,” he explained, “there is surely space and range enough for elephants.”

Americans didn’t find any, but they did start importing them, and then began adopting the elephant as a national symbol: gigantic and wise. By 1824, one elephant held captive in the United States was named “Columbus.” In 1872, after the ratification of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which established that all men are “Persons,” this newly amended, reconstructed Constitution was represented in political cartoons as … an elephant. Two years later, the elephant became the symbol of the Republican Party: the immense, powerful, and intelligent might of the Union reconstructing a Confederacy of dunces, the Democratic jackass.

After the abandonment of Reconstruction, the fate of the elephant took a turn. Americans began importing elephants from Africa, most famously Jumbo, brought to New York by P. T. Barnum in 1882. Barnum bought Jumbo from the London Zoo, but he imported most of his animals from the German exotic-animal trader Carl Hagenbeck. Between 1875 and 1882, Hagenbeck claimed, he shipped about 100 elephants to the United States. Most were imported by circuses; many died in zoos, where the display of exotic animals, fettered and caged, became a feature of the age of imperialism.

The first American zoo opened in Philadelphia in 1874; on opening day, a kangaroo broke both her legs on the bars of her cage. The zoo’s first exhibits included an Asian elephant, Jennie, born wild in 1848 and bought from a circus. “There would not have been zoos in America without elephants,” the historian Daniel Bender has observed. Zoos prided themselves on exhibiting biological specimens for scientific study, but the elephants they acquired from circuses had been tortured into submission to entertain crowds by performing tricks. Captive elephants can be tamed and are often termed “domestic” because they can be trained to live peaceably in confinement, but they are not “domesticated” animals, like dogs or cows or sheep, because they have never been selectively bred. Many elephants tortured by circus trainers would, in the end, fight back. “Mad elephants,” they were declared, and were offloaded to zoos. Sometimes the rampages of bull elephants are due to musth, a period of heightened sexuality associated with aggressive behavior. But bulls aren’t the only elephants that become ungovernable, and most elephant aggression is a response to violence. An elephant named Bolivar joined Jennie at the Philadelphia Zoo from the Forepaugh Circus after he killed a spectator who’d burned him with a lit cigar.

In the 1880s, when Jennie was in her 30s, she was captured in motion when Eadweard Muybridge, with funding from the University of Pennsylvania, photographed her for his Animal Locomotion series. She lumbers along, as if free. But many elephants in the United States spent their entire lives in foot chains that evoked nothing so much as slave coffles. During the age of Jim Crow, the elephant in some meaningful ways replaced “the slave” in the American imagination, a nonhuman nonperson to be shackled, whipped, and even lynched, by daylight, in the public square. After Jennie died in 1898, her skin was tanned and turned into wallets, sold as souvenirs. Elephant insurrections were put down with elephant executions, as the historian Amy Louise Wood has chronicled. At least 36 American-owned elephants were sentenced to execution between 1880 and 1930. Many of these elephant executions, not all of which succeeded, took place in the Jim Crow South, in states that included Georgia, Texas, and South Carolina, but they happened in the North, too. Most often, elephants were notionally charged with murder—they tended to kill their keepers—and executed, vigilante style, as if they were criminals. In 1883, P. T. Barnum executed Pilot, an elephant The New York Times, in a send-up of its own crime reporting, described this way: “He had no regard for religion or morals.” In 1885, another Barnum elephant was chained to four trees in Keene, New Hampshire, and executed by firing squad in front of 2,000 spectators. In 1894, Tip, exhibited in Central Park, was indicted, “tried and convicted” for murder, and then publicly poisoned. Six-ton, 36-year-old Topsy, named after the slave child in Uncle Tom’s Cabin, “the first baby elephant to be held in captivity in the United States,” worked for a circus and killed three men in three years before being sold to a park in Coney Island, where, in 1903, she was executed; electrodes were strapped to her feet and a noose around her neck was tied to a steam engine after she had been fed carrots loaded with cyanide. The Edison Manufacturing Company electrocuted her and made a film of it, Electrocuting an Elephant.

In 1916, Sparks World Famous Shows, a traveling circus, was in Kingsport, Tennessee, when a trainer, riding on an elephant named Mary at the head of a parade leading spectators to the circus, “dealt her a blow over the head with a stick.” She grabbed him by the waist with her trunk and, according to one report, “sunk her giant tusks entirely through his body” and then trampled on him, “as if seeking a murderous triumph.” The circus’s publicist decided to stage a public execution by hanging her from a derrick provided by the Clinchfield Railroad Company. “I mean, if we have to kill her, let’s do it with style,” he said. The hanging broke her neck, but, as was reported at the time, “the apparent intelligence of the animal made her execution all the more solemn”: She tried to use her trunk “to free herself.” The NAACP requested materials about the execution for its lynching files.

The Bronx Zoo, then known formally as the New York Zoological Park, opened in 1899, with funding from Andrew Carnegie and J. Pierpont Morgan, under the direction of William T. Hornaday. It was meant to be an answer to the cheap attraction of circuses and the brutal exploitation of circus animals. Hornaday called his zoo “the high-water mark of civilization.” Exotic animals were held captive in elegant, neoclassical, Victorian homes—the Bird House, Antelope House, Reptile House—with the buildings arranged along tree-lined streets in the form of the most fashionable Victorian suburbs. The Bronx Zoo, too, was a retreat from the city, a city teeming with immigrants, living in poverty. At its center stood a massive dome-topped limestone mansion modeled after the Antwerp Zoo’s Palais des Hippopotames: the Elephant House.

Hornaday had started out as a big-game hunter and, as he wrote in a memoir, Two Years in the Jungle, shot his first elephant in India in 1877. (The stuffed remains of another elephant he killed were displayed at Harvard until 1973.) He had gone on to become the country’s leading conservationist. Hornaday helped save the bison: He collected and grew a herd for the zoo and then shipped it west as part of one of the world’s first efforts to preserve an endangered species.

Zoological parks and national parks were two sides of the same coin. Hornaday advocated for, and Theodore Roosevelt in the White House helped deliver, the public ownership and stewardship of land in the West, especially in the form of the national parks, a conservation project that involved displacing Indigenous peoples, in violation of treaties, not by granting rights to trees or wolves but by granting the power of environmental protection to the state. As Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote in 1908, “The state, as quasi-sovereign and representative of the interests of the public, has a standing in court to protect the atmosphere, the water, and the forests within its territory.” In arguing for the protection of wildlife (generally at the expense of Native Americans), no conservationist was more fierce than Hornaday. “I will make no compromise with any of the enemies of wildlife,” he said in 1911. Two years later, he published a manifesto called Our Vanishing Wildlife. The Sierra Club compared the book’s zeal to that of abolitionist literature “when the force of great moral convictions won the day against greed and wrong.” Young Aldo Leopold reviewed it and called it “the most convincing argument for better game protection ever written.”

Hornaday believed in a still-more-elaborate and racist chain of being than did the 18th-century Framers of the U.S. Constitution. In 1906, he exhibited in his zoo an African man named Ota Benga, alongside the primates. (Benga later committed suicide.) Hornaday believed elephants to be not only the most civilized of all animals, but also more civilized than some humans, pronouncing it “as much an act of murder to wantonly take the life of a healthy elephant as to kill a native Australian or a Central-African savage.”

Hornaday decried the lynching of elephants because he believed in the morality of elephants. “I know of no instance on record wherein a normal elephant with a healthy mind has been guilty of unprovoked homicide, or even of attempting it,” he wrote, attributing elephant rampages to mistreatment. “So many men have been killed by elephants in this country that of late years the idea has been steadily gaining ground that elephants are naturally ill-tempered, and vicious to a dangerous extent. Under fair conditions, nothing could be farther from the truth.” Instead, “many an elephant is at the mercy of quick-tempered and sometimes revengeful showmen, who very often do not understand the temperaments of the animals under their control, and who during the traveling season are rendered perpetually ill-tempered and vindictive by reason of overwork and insufficient sleep. With such masters as these it is no wonder that occasionally an animal rebels.” Hornaday articulated, in effect, an elephant right to revolution. It apparently did not apply to elephants at the Bronx Zoo.

In 1908, five years after Topsy was electrocuted on Coney Island, Hornaday bought an Asian elephant named Alice from Topsy’s old circus. She was loaded into a teakwood crate and hoisted onto a truck. Housed temporarily in the Antelope House, she went on a rampage while on a walk, after being spooked by a puma, and wreaked havoc in the Reptile House. As Hornaday later wrote, she was captured again, and controlled “by vigorous work with the elephant hooks” and then shackled: “We quickly tied her hind legs together,—and she was all ours. Seeing that all was clear for a fall, we joyously pushed Alice off her feet. She went over, and fell prone upon her side. In three minutes all her feet were securely anchored to trees, and we sat down upon her prostrate body.” She was forced to lie in chains.

In 1904, Hornaday bought Gunda, a male Asian elephant, born in the wild in northeast India. Like Alice, he was trained with a howdah to give rides to children. But in 1912, Gunda rebelled: He gored his keeper and was declared a mad elephant. (The keeper survived.) Hornaday ordered Gunda to be placed in chains, for two years, until his sorry state led, in 1914, to complaints that the zoo should be closed. The zoo insisted that Gunda was happy. In 1915, The New York Times ran a story with this headline:

PUT DOUBLE CHAINS ON GUNDA AGAIN

Bronx Zoo Elephant Is Condemned to Stand and ‘Weave’ All Day in His Pen.

KEEPERS SAY HE LIKES IT

“All day long the huge animal—he is nearly ten feet tall—stands swaying, moving his great body in a diagonal direction—weaving, the zoologists call it,” the Times reported. “This is all that Gunda seems to do—just stand and sway his body. He is as ceaseless as Niagara Falls.” (Swaying, or weaving, is a sign of distress.) The injured keeper and Hornaday both insisted, as the Times reported, “that the elephant is content in his chains, that he does not want to roam around his pen, and that the chains are long enough to permit him every freedom of movement, whether standing or lying down.” In the end, Hornaday had Gunda shot. His remains were fed to the lions.

A half century later, Happy and Grumpy, shipped by truck from Texas to New York, moved into the Elephant House.

The Bronx Zoo opened its 38-acre Wild Asia exhibit in August 1977. Like Lion Country Safari, when Wild Asia first opened, it represented the very best in modern zookeeping. The New York Times called it “probably the finest wild-animal display in the country east of the San Diego Zoo’s Wild Animal Park.” Earlier, the reporter said, visiting the Bronx Zoo had been like “visiting an inmate in a prison.” Now it was like visiting an animal in the wild. “Elephants crashed out of the forest and lumbered down the hillside to splash into the water,” the reporter gushed. “Four of them plunged in over their heads, bobbed up to spray the water from their trunks and cavorted playfully together.”

Happy and Grumpy were not among those four elephants, who were Groucho, a male, and three females, named after the Andrews sisters, Maxine, Laverne, and Patty. “To immerse yourself in this great Asian heartland, no visas, inoculations or air fares are necessary,” the Times reported, echoing earlier coverage of Lion Country. “It involves no jet lag or any lag longer than needed to recuperate from a journey by subway, bus or car.” It needed only an uptown train.

But when Happy and Grumpy arrived at the Bronx Zoo, they didn’t live in Wild Asia. They lived in the Elephant House with an older Asian elephant named Tus and performed tricks and gave rides to children.

The Bronx Zoo seemed caught between two ways of thinking about elephants: In Wild Asia, they were wild animals; in the Elephant House, they were toys for tots. The infantilization of the elephant had begun in earnest with Walt Disney’s Dumbo, released in 1941. In Dumbo, Mrs. Jumbo, a circus elephant, has a baby named Jumbo Junior, presumably the son of the world-famous Jumbo, but cruelly nicknamed “Dumbo.” Defending him, Mrs. Jumbo grows violent, and, like the Bronx Zoo’s Alice, is dragged down and shackled in chains. Then, like Gunda, she’s locked up, in this case in a circus trailer over which a sign is hung, reading DANGER: MAD ELEPHANT. (The actual Jumbo did not have any offspring, but Barnum sometimes passed off as his daughter an elephant named Columbia. In 1907, Columbia became unruly and was “condemned to death.” As a lesson to the other elephants, she was strangled “before twenty-one other elephants, including her mother.” Dumbo offered a rewriting of that story.)

In the Baby Boom of the 1950s and 1960s, baby elephants became all the rage, in everything from toys to stuffed animals. In the era of postcolonial independence movements, the wild, in the American imagination, became first juvenilized, and then feminized. In 1959, the French territories in west-central Africa sent President Dwight Eisenhower the gift of a baby elephant named Dzimbo. Within the GOP, the elephant also became feminized, a symbol of the political housewife, the conservative white woman Republican activist. One senator, speaking to the National Federation of Republican Women, suggested that the elephant was the right symbol for the Republican Party because an elephant has “a vacuum cleaner in front and a rug beater behind.”

The symbol became less useful in the political tumult of the 1960s. In 1968, reporters covering the Republican National Convention in Miami went out to the airport to witness the arrival, by Delta Air Lines, of a baby elephant in a tutu, which was nudged into a Hertz trailer for delivery to the convention, a gift to Nixon. Americans had begun objecting to zoos, especially after the publication, in 1968, of a Life essay by Desmond Morris called “Shame of the Naked Cage.” In 1971, activists operating undercover on behalf of the Humane Society investigated the nation’s zoos and described them as slums, another 1970s story of urbanization gone wrong. The San Diego Zoo, which opened its Wild Animal Park in 1972, answered the call to move to the suburbs. And the Bronx Zoo began planning Wild Asia.

In 1975, with the publication of Animal Liberation, a manifesto by the philosopher Peter Singer, the animal-welfare movement began to yield to the animal-rights movement, and environmental protection began to yield to environmental rights. In the U.S., most federal measures in place to protect the environment, regulate pollution, preserve endangered species and wildlife habitat, and halt climate change date to the early 1970s: the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act, the National Environmental Policy Act.

One of the first proposals to address environmental degradation by way of a constitutional amendment came in 1970, when Wisconsin Senator Gaylord Nelson, who also founded Earth Day, proposed an amendment to read, “Every person has the inalienable right to a decent environment. The United States and every State shall guarantee this right.” But by then, the Constitution had already become effectively unamendable. Environmental-rights proposals kept getting introduced—“The right of each person to clean and healthful air and water, and to the protection of the other natural resources of the nation, shall not be infringed upon by any person,” read one that had the support of lawmakers from 37 state legislatures—and they kept going nowhere. In the absence of any language in the Constitution regarding the environment, legislative and statutory measures are extraordinarily vulnerable: From 2017 to 2021, the Trump administration rolled back nearly 100 environment provisions. The Biden administration has made restoring these provisions, and adding more, a top priority, but all of them are reversible.

Other countries amended their constitutions. Out of 196 constitutions in the world, at least 148 now make some provision for what is called “environmental constitutionalism.” Animal constitutionalism has been following in its tracks. In 1976, in a decision attributed to the influence of Hinduism, India adopted a constitutional amendment declaring it to be the duty of every citizen “to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for living creatures”—language its Supreme Court in 2014 described as “the magna carta of animal rights” in a decision in which the court defined compassion to include “concern for suffering.” In 2002, prodded by the Green Party, Germans amended their constitution’s provision about the state’s “responsibility toward future generations”—its obligations to the natural world—by adding three words: “and the animals.”

In the U.S., though, with its unamendable Constitution, both environmentalists and animal-rights activists began to adopt a novel legal strategy: arguing for the rights of nature. In 1972, Christopher Stone published a law-review article called “Should Trees Have Standing?” Stone argued that the history of law represented a march of moral progress in which the notion of being a rights-bearing person had been extended to an ever-widening class of actors, from only certain men to more men, then to some women, and, finally, to all adults and then children and even corporations and ships. Why not trees and rivers and streams? The logic had a pedigree: As early as 1873, Frederick Douglass had publicly called for a defense of nonhuman animals, a compassion born of having been treated like one and of witnessing the consequences of the cruelty instilled by living near the bottom of a presumed chain of being. “Not only the slave, but the horse, the ox, and the mule shared the general feeling of indifference to rights naturally engendered by a state of slavery,” he said. If personhood were extended to the natural world, remedies for harms against the natural world could be pursued not only by humans who were affected by those harms but on behalf of nature itself. In 1972, Stone hoped, urgently, that his article would have an effect, and rushed it to press in order to get it before Justice William O. Douglas, who in fact cited it, months later, in his dissenting opinion in Sierra Club v. Morton: “Contemporary public concern for protecting nature’s ecological equilibrium should lead to the conferral of standing upon environmental objects to sue for their own preservation.”

Stone explained, half a century ago, that he was proposing this solution as the best possible remedy to address a looming catastrophe. “Scientists have been warning of the crises the earth and all humans on it face if we do not change our ways—radically,” Stone wrote in 1972. “The earth’s very atmosphere is threatened with frightening possibilities: absorption of sunlight, upon which the entire life cycle depends, may be diminished; the oceans may warm (increasing the ‘greenhouse effect’ of the atmosphere), melting the polar ice caps, and destroying our great coastal cities.” One of the greater tragedies in the history of American law is that this proposal did not meet with immediate success, as it might very well have averted our current catastrophe. But if the Constitution wasn’t amended during the early decades of the environmental and animal-rights movements, and if rights-of-nature arguments failed, American public opinion was shifting. By 1985, more than three in four Americans answered yes to the question “Do you think animals have rights?” In 1989, 80 percent agreed that “animals have rights that limit humans.” By 1992, more than half of Americans surveyed said they believed that laws protecting endangered species had not gone far enough. A 1995 survey found that two-thirds of those polled agreed with the statement that “an animal’s right to live free of suffering should be just as important as a person’s right to live free of suffering.”

This shift in opinion does not appear to have changed Happy’s experience of a toys-for-tots life in the Bronx Zoo’s Elephant House. In the 1980s, the zoo held “Elephant Weekends.” “Tus, Happy and Grumpy have been rehearsing all week for the big show—a workout on the tambourine, a run-through on the waltz, some salutes and bows,” the Times reported in 1981. Larry Joyner, “their low-key, no-nonsense trainer,” a former circus trainer who started with the zoo in 1979, said, “Since elephants are extremely intelligent, they realize that when there are people in front of them, they can work slower and get by with it because I don’t yell at them as much.” (“If an elephant doesn’t obey him, Joyner whacks it mightily on its thick-skinned side with a bull hook,” the L.A. Times later reported. “Good behavior is rewarded with an apple and a pat.”) Joyner particularly noted 10-year-old Happy’s talents: “Happy is a more physical elephant than anything I’ve ever seen. Most people, when they train elephants, cats, horses or whatever, usually turn them loose and just watch them for hours. Then you can figure what trick to put on each elephant. Happy runs more, she moves more, she’s rougher. That’s why I put all the physical tricks on her: the hind-leg stand, the sit-up. Grumpy’s more intelligent. She learns well; she uses her head.”

For the celebration, Happy, Grumpy, and Tus were dressed up in costumes, decorated blankets whose designer told the Times, “There is a sort of Oriental smoking jacket for Grumpy—black-and-yellow checked. Happy will have a blue-and-black polka-dotted dress that also has tassels and ‘diamonds’—they are really rhinestones—on it. It is all going to be very extravagant.” During the exhibit, the Associated Press reported, “zoo-goers will see Tus pick up a human being. Happy will do a hind leg stand. Grumpy will pick up an egg without breaking it.” The highlight of an Elephant Weekend was a tug-of-war, reported on, in 1984, by The New Yorker: “During the past four years’ history of Elephant Weekends the non-elephant team has won the tug-of-war only once—that was in 1982, when the victors were the Fordham Rams football team. On Saturday, the challengers were members of the Purchase, New York, Volunteer Fire Department. They didn’t win. Nor did the Fordham Rams on Sunday. Grumpy won.”

Elephant Weekends came to an end. And the elephants at the Bronx Zoo began dying off. In 1981, Patty had a calf, Astor, named after Brooke Astor, who had helped fund the Wild Asia exhibit; the calf died less than two years later. (The infant mortality rate for elephants in American zoos is 40 percent, almost triple the rate in the wild, according to a 2012 investigation by The Seattle Times.) Laverne died in 1982, of a salmonella infection; she was 12. Half the elephant deaths in American zoos are of animals younger than 24 years old, The Seattle Times reported, and most die “from injury or disease linked to conditions of their captivity, from chronic foot problems caused by standing on hard surfaces to musculoskeletal disorders from inactivity caused by being penned or chained for days and weeks at a time.” In 1985, shortly before Groucho was moved to the Fort Worth Zoo, Happy, Grumpy, and Tus were moved to Wild Asia. The Elephant House became a visitor center.

In the wild, Happy would have become pregnant for the first time around the age she was when she moved to Wild Asia. She would have had a calf every three or four years, until she was in her 50s, the age she is now. She would have been living with daughters and granddaughters. Instead, she has no family at all.

In the 1980s, when the Bronx Zoo moved Happy and Grumpy from the Elephant House to Wild Asia, other zoos began to relocate their elephants, especially as the animal-rights movement grew more militant, adopting some of the same tactics as the anti-abortion organization Operation Rescue. The Central Park Zoo and Prospect Park Zoo closed their elephant exhibits. San Francisco, Detroit, Santa Barbara, and Chicago all announced the end of the exhibition of captive elephants. Circuses, including Ringling Bros., followed. In this context, when captive elephants escaped or rebelled, those stories garnered more and more heated attention. Hardly a month passed without another report, most well founded but some exaggerated (one circus sued PETA for defamation). In 1988, keepers at the San Diego Zoo beat an African elephant named Dunda with ax handles for two days, while her legs were chained. Three years later, an Asian elephant at that zoo killed her keeper. In 1992, an Asian elephant named Janet escaped from a circus in Florida and targeted two of her trainers (without harming any of the children riding on her back). The next year, a small group of circus elephants in Florida together trapped and stomped their trainer, and, in Honolulu in 1994, a 21-year-old African elephant killed her trainer in the arena and escaped. (Police shot and killed her in the street.) In 1995, two female elephants escaped a circus while it was in Pennsylvania and, months later, while it was in New York. In 2002, an elephant named Tonya escaped for the fourth time in six years, having fled a Maine wildlife park, a circus in Ohio, another in Pennsylvania, and another in South Carolina.

The Bronx Zoo adopted a protocol known as “protected contact,” which meant that Happy and Grumpy, hand-raised since infancy, no longer spent much time in the close company of people. And opposition to keeping elephants in captivity deterred the zoo from bringing in new elephants to keep the others company. Tus, who likely had been something close to a mother for Happy and Grumpy, died in May of 2002. Two months later, Patty and Maxine attacked Grumpy. Happy wasn’t with them, but she would have heard it happen. Grumpy’s injuries were so grave that in October of 2002, the zoo decided to euthanize her.

“It is hardly fair to say that Happy has a history of not getting on with other elephants,” Joyce Poole wrote in her affidavit on behalf of the Nonhuman Rights Project. In five decades at the zoo, Happy and a handful of other elephants had “been forced to share a space that, for an elephant, is equivalent to the size of a house.” And two of those elephants killed her closest companion. After that, it was impossible to house Happy with Patty and Maxine. The zoo picked a young female elephant, Sammy, to be a companion for Happy, but she died not long afterward.

In 2005, at a meeting at Disney World, the Association of Zoos and Aquariums decided to “speak and act with a unified voice”—determining to defend keeping elephants in zoos and to call critics of their captivity “extremists”—even as it set new rules for elephant care. The AZA requires that “each zoo with elephants must have a minimum of three females (or the space to have three females), two males or three elephants of mixed gender.” The Bronx Zoo is in compliance with this rule because it has room for elephants it does not have.

Happy might have been better off if she’d never left Lion Country Safari. “If we can’t keep elephants in captivity properly, we shouldn’t,” Lion Country’s Terry Wolf told me. “And we’ve proven that we can’t.” In 2006, during Wolf’s tenure, Lion Country decided to release its last elephants. That year, The New York Times reported that Bronx Zoo officials “say it would be inhumane to sustain an exhibit with a single elephant.” Happy has been alone ever since.

When you ride the monorail through Wild Asia, your view is quite constrained. All the cars face the same direction, and you can see only what’s in front of you. Behind the monorail lie the rest of the zoo structures, including the Elephant Barn. In 2005, Joshua Plotnik spent a very hot summer on top of that barn, watching Happy, Patty, and Maxine, by turns, inspect an elephant-size mirror.

Plotnik was in a doctoral program at Emory University when he decided to study elephants. He wanted to know, empirically, “How do we get inside the elephant’s head?” Together with Diana Reiss, now a professor of psychology at Hunter College but at the time a scientist with the Wildlife Conservation Society, Plotnik decided to see if an elephant could pass what’s known as the mirror self-recognition test. Humans can pass this test around the age of 2. Only the great apes and dolphins had been proven to pass it. Plotnik and Reiss encased a two-by-two-meter acrylic mirror in a steel frame, and the zoo helped them install it in the pen. “I remember Maxine and Patty getting really close to the mirror on the first day,” Plotnik told me. “They would get down on their knees or try to smell over the mirror to inspect behind it—it’s as if they were trying to get at that elephant in the mirror.” This is what many animals do: They consider the animal in the mirror a stranger and try to figure out how to intimidate and threaten it, or how to meet and greet it. “Very quickly when they realize they can’t touch, smell, or hear this animal, some species just stop displaying social behavior,” Plotnik said. But elephants investigate; they move one way, and then another, looking. “It’s like Harpo and Groucho in Duck Soup,” he said. “It’s as if they’re asking, Why is that animal doing the same thing that I’m doing?” And then an elephant like Happy decides, If there’s no other elephant there, it must be me.

Sitting on the Elephant Barn, Plotnik and Reiss were astonished. Happy, Patty, and Maxine did the most interesting things. “Next, they start inspecting themselves, inspect their mouths, look closely at parts of their body they don’t otherwise get to see. They’d grab onto their ears and pull their ears back and forth.” To prove that the elephants understood that they were looking at a reflection, Plotnik and Reiss devised a test, a modified version of a test done on chimpanzees: They painted a white X on the elephants’ foreheads and, with a glow-in-the-dark Halloween paint that’s invisible during daylight, they painted another one on the other side, as a control. Only one of the three elephants passed this task. Happy walked up to the mirror and reached her trunk up to touch the X. I’ve wondered whether she thought, for a moment, that it was Grumpy, come back, before she realized that she was looking, instead, at herself.

Plotnik hasn’t seen Happy since then. He doesn’t believe that he knows what’s best for her, and he’s baffled that the NhRP thinks it does. The question, he said, is whether Happy wants to be with other elephants. “If we had asked this question decades ago, when Happy was first brought to a zoo, yes, I absolutely think what would have been best for Happy would have been for her to remain with her family, in the wild,” Plotnik told me. “But she has been in captivity now for 50 years, unfortunately, so it’s really difficult to know whether such a big change to her life would be in her best interest now.”

The subtlety of that position has been lost on much of the press, and especially on celebrities who have taken up Happy’s cause. Elephant advocacy has long been a Hollywood hobby, from Richard Pryor and Cher to Lily Tomlin and Edward Norton. While that commitment is surely earnest, it comes at very little cost to celebrities’ lives and livelihoods. But, as Plotnik points out, #FreeHappy might well come at the expense of poor farmers in Thailand, much like the campaign to save the bison, or preserve the national parks, came at the expense of people like the Yosemite Indians.

Plotnik does most of his fieldwork in Kanchanaburi, Thailand, with wild elephants. He’s fluent in Thai and spends a great deal of time with villagers who work with elephants, and also with villagers who are very frustrated with elephants eating their crops and destroying their fields. “We need to refocus our attention on the fact that fewer than 50,000 Asian elephants remain on the planet. Countries like Thailand and Sri Lanka have a long history of coexistence between humans and elephants,” he said. “Any decisions about elephant personhood that might have a cascading effect on elephant welfare and conservation around the world ought to take into account the needs and livelihoods of the people that have existed alongside them for thousands of years. Most Westerners just have never thought about that impact.”

People on either side of the legal battle about Happy tend to see each other as villains, unable to find common cause or common purpose in their growing desperation about what humans are doing to one another and to animals and to the world. Meanwhile, waters rise, coastlines erode, humans and above all the poor suffer and die, diseases spread, homes wash away, forests die, fortunes are lost, habitats disappear, species die out. In the end, elephants are just a lot better at getting along with one another than people are—unless they’re held captive, for year after year, decade after decade.

Still, even the most poorly treated elephants can thrive in sanctuaries. Sissy was born in Thailand and first exhibited at Six Flags Over Texas in 1969. She was moved four times, and, as Joyce Poole wrote in her affidavit, she “spent a decade and a half alone before being sent to the Houston Zoo, where she was labelled autistic and antisocial.” In 1997, returned to solitary confinement in Gainesville, she crushed a park supervisor to death. “She was moved again to El Paso Zoo,” Poole wrote, “where she was beaten because she was a killer elephant.” At some point, her trunk became partially paralyzed. In 2000, she wasn’t expected to live out the year. But at the start of that year, she was moved to the Elephant Sanctuary in Tennessee. Within weeks of her arrival, she was spotted lying down, something she hadn’t done in the zoo for years. She made a fast friend, Winkie. “Within six months of arrival she was calm and cooperative,” Poole wrote. “She became a leader, putting all elephants at ease.” Nearly 22 years later, Sissy is still there, living on a sanctuary of almost 3,000 acres.

The Nonhuman Rights Project, founded in 1996, always intended to begin its litigation with Happy. In a Supreme Court opinion written in 1992, Antonin Scalia had dismissed legal arguments about people claiming to have standing to enforce the protection of animals and the natural world. The case concerned the Endangered Species Act, and the only elephants mentioned were wild elephants in Sri Lanka, but Scalia, who grew up in Queens, scoffed, “Under these theories, anyone who goes to see Asian elephants in the Bronx Zoo, and anyone who is a keeper of Asian elephants in the Bronx Zoo, has standing to sue.” Maybe that caught someone’s attention. Meanwhile, personhood claims began to look promising. In a 2004 case filed by an attorney as if working for whales and dolphins, the Ninth Circuit said that an animal “cannot function as a plaintiff” but that nothing in the Constitution “prevents Congress from authorizing a suit in the name of an animal, any more than it prevents suits brought in the name of artificial persons such as corporations, partnerships or trusts, and even ships, or of juridically incompetent persons such as infants, juveniles, and mental incompetents.”

To be granted personhood, in the legal sense, something doesn’t have to be like a person, in the colloquial sense. But if it were necessary, elephants would come close. If having a conscious awareness of one’s past, present, and future is a definition of personhood, the philosopher Gary Varner argued in 2008, then “elephants might be persons—or at least near-persons.”

In 2013, the NhRP formalized its decision to file a petition on behalf of Happy as its first client, but then the lawyers had an overnight change of mind. “We decided to go with chimpanzees instead,” Steve Wise told me. For one thing, they had more chimpanzee experts available. Jane Goodall is a founding member of NhRP’s board. Happy’s case would have to wait.

In 2013, the NhRP filed habeas corpus petitions for chimpanzees named Kiko and Tommy. The New York court rejected both petitions, pointing out that “habeas corpus relief has never been provided to any nonhuman entity.” In 2016, after the NhRP filed a second habeas corpus petition for Kiko, Harvard’s Laurence Tribe submitted an amicus brief, disputing the court’s claim that Kiko could not be a person on the ground that persons bear both rights and duties. The court’s definition of personhood, he argued, “would appear on its face to exclude third-trimester fetuses, children, and comatose adults (among other entities whose rights as persons the law protects).” In 2018, the New York Court of Appeals denied a motion for permission to appeal, but one judge, Eugene M. Fahey, observed that “the issue whether a nonhuman animal has a fundamental right to liberty protected by the writ of habeas corpus is profound and far-reaching. It speaks to our relationship with all the life around us. Ultimately, we will not be able to ignore it.”

Meanwhile, animal personhood had been established, at least notionally, elsewhere. In 2016, a court in Argentina ruled that “a chimpanzee is not a thing,” and declared that “great apes are legal persons, with legal capacity.” In 2018, a judge in India declared “the entire animal kingdom” to be “legal entities having a distinct persona with corresponding rights, duties and liabilities of a living person.”

In the U.S., other cases have been working their way through other courts. In 2018, in Oregon, the Animal Legal Defense Fund filed a suit on behalf of a horse named Justice. The judge dismissed the case for lack of standing, writing, “The problem is that there is not an adequate procedural avenue for Justice to utilize that would grant him access to the courthouse door,” and expressed concern about the “profound implications of a judicial finding that a horse, or any non-human animal for that matter, is a legal entity.” The Pepperdine law professor Richard Cupp, an ardent opponent of animal personhood, observed, about Justice the horse, “Any case that could lead to billions of animals having the potential to file lawsuits is a shocker in the biggest way. Once you say a horse or dog or cat can personally sue over being abused, it’s not too big a jump to say, ‘Well, we’re kind of establishing that they’re legal persons with that. And legal persons can’t be eaten.”

This fall, the ALDF filed a request in a court in Cincinnati representing the descendants of a “Community of Hippopotamuses” once owned by Pablo Escobar as “interested persons” in a legal dispute in Colombia. “Hippos are People, Too!” ran the reports. Hippos are not people. Maybe the press isn’t quite ready for the gravity of Happy’s case.

Happy’s plight is as serious and desperate as the consequences of the court’s eventual ruling are unknown and unknowable and, quite possibly, profound. She stands and stares and lifts one foot. She swings her trunk. She sways, watching the monorail pass by, again and again and again. The New York Court of Appeals could hear the case as early as this winter. But courtroom arguments about elephant personhood have taken place before. In 2017, the Nonhuman Rights Project tried seeking habeas corpus relief for three elephants in Connecticut. In oral arguments, the judges asked Wise about the implications of elephant personhood:

Judge: Does your argument extend to other forms of animals in the wild?

Wise: Our argument extends to elephants.

Judge: I’m asking you, because it’s a logical question, how far this proposition goes. You’re asking a court, not a legislature, to make a radical change in the law, and I want to have you prognosticate as to where this leads.

What with one thing and another, in the wandering ways of courts, the answer never came out. But one day soon, an elephant will stand, metaphorically, at the courtroom door, a great gray emissary from the natural world, wild. She will rumble, raise her trunk, and trumpet, piercing the uncanny quiet.


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Saturday, November 20, 2021

RSN: Robert Reich | The Mammoth Costs of Doing Nothing or Too Little

 


 

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Robert Reich | The Mammoth Costs of Doing Nothing or Too Little
Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Substack
Reich writes: "Obsessing about the costs of addressing our problems without acknowledging the costs of failing to address them is dangerously irresponsible."

It's time to change the way we think about public policy

I’ve been implementing or teaching public policy for five decades (OMG has it really been that long?), and I never cease to be amazed at what occurs when the bean counters and columnists have at it.

You’re going to hear a lot in the next day or two about the Congressional Budget Office’s estimates of the cost of Biden’s Build Back Better plan, along with how much of it will be covered by proposed taxes. Beware. Putting aside the accuracy of these estimates, the exercise omits the cost of doing nothing.

Tackling climate change will be expensive, but doing nothing about climate change will cost far more. If we don’t adopt ambitious measures, untold numbers of lives will be lost and trillions will be spent coping with the consequences of our failure.

Expanding Medicare would be costly, but the price of not doing so will be in the stratosphere. The nation already pays more for health care per person and has worse health outcomes than any other advanced country. (It’s estimated that Medicare for All would save $450 billion and prevent 68,000 unnecessary deaths every year.)

Investing in universal childcare, universal pre-K, and public higher education will be expensive, too, but the cost of not making these investments will be astronomical. American productivity is already suffering, and millions of families can’t afford decent childcare or college.

It’s not just official bean counters who are failing to assess the cost of doing nothing. The media also focuses on the costs of tackling big problems without mentioning the costs of doing nothing about them. Journalists wanting to appear serious about public policy routinely rip into progressives for the costs of their proposals but never criticize so-called “moderates” for the costs of doing nothing or too little about the same problems.

The frequently-asked question “how are we going to pay for it?” is similarly nonsensical without an assessment of the costs of doing nothing. Even if taxes on wealthy individuals and corporations were to cover only a fraction of the costs of tackling a large worsening problem, so what? As long as the costs of tackling it are less than the future costs of not doing so, it makes logical sense to tackle it.

Republican administrations have repeatedly doled out gigantic tax cuts to big corporations and the wealthy without first announcing specific cuts in public spending or other tax increases to pay for them because -- despite decades of evidence to the contrary -- they claim that the cuts will generate economic growth that will more than make up for any lost revenue. Yet when progressives propose ambitious plans for reducing verifiable costs of large and growing public problems, they’re skewered for not having ways to pay for them.

Finally and relatedly, I’m often barraged by conservatives claiming that progressive proposals are just too big. This argument might be convincing if the problems were growing slowly. But experts on climate change, the state of the nation’s health, and childcare and education are nearly unanimous in their view that all these are worsening exponentially.

Cautious incrementalism is wise under most circumstances. But where headwinds are turning into gales, incrementalism drives us backwards. Calling progressives “extremists” or “radicals” is absurd when they’re seeking to remedy problems that are themselves extreme and will radically harm Americans if left unattended. The status quo is not sustainable. (In my experience, young people understand all this, perhaps because they’ll live longer than the rest of us and bear the brunt of the cost of inaction.)

We can no longer pretend that climate change, a wildly-dysfunctional health care system, lack of childcare, deteriorating schools, and unaffordable higher education pose small or insignificant challenges. Doing nothing or too little about these problems has made all of them worse — and will make them far worse if we continue to do nothing or too little.

Obsessing about the costs of addressing them without acknowledging the costs of failing to address them is dangerously irresponsible.

Your thoughts?


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Meet the Pro-Coup Caucus Running the House GOPThe so-called Freedom Caucus. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty)

Meet the Pro-Coup Caucus Running the House GOP
Todd Zwillich, VICE
Zwillich writes: "How the far-right Freedom Caucus has turned into the pro-Trump, pro-insurrection wing of the GOP."

How the far-right Freedom Caucus has turned into the pro-Trump, pro-insurrection wing of the GOP.

The last time the ultra-conservative faction of House Republicans known as the Freedom Caucus elected a leader, Pennsylvania Rep. Scott Perry hadn’t quite earned his bona fides. Now, fresh off news that he played a key role in Donald Trump’s 2020 coup attempt, Perry is apparently much more qualified for the job.

Perry got elected as the new chairman of the Freedom Caucus this week, inheriting the job created by its founder, a then-North Carolina congressman named Mark Meadows. Yup, that’s the same Mark Meadows who went on to become Trump’s White House chief of staff and who this week refused to comply with a subpoena from the January 6 select committee to tell what he knows about Trump’s coup attempt.

The Freedom Caucus was once the place where 40 or so right-wing lawmakers like Meadows and Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan made trouble for GOP leaders, messing with bills over conservative leverage issues like abortion and immigration. They got powerful enough to oust Speaker John Boehner in 2015, and he’s had a few things to say about them since. Today, the Freedom Caucus is Trump’s most loyal power base in Congress, where messianic messengers like Matt Gaetz, Marjorie Taylor Greene, and Paul Gosar gather to push lies about a stolen election and to help recast the deadly Jan. 6 riot as a patriotic cause.

In the weeks after Trump’s 2020 loss, Perry leaned on DOJ officials to investigate bogus fraud claims in Pennsylvania and recruited other Justice officials into the effort to overturn election results coordinated from the White House, according to a Senate investigation. As such, he’s a potential witness, if not a possible actor, in the investigation of the coup plot.

With those qualifications, Perry is now the point man for the Freedom Caucus as it boosts violent tweets against Democrats and threats against fellow Republicans who vote for bipartisan bills. Next year, when GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy will probably become Speaker under Republican control, it’ll be Perry’s job to act as an enforcer, making sure McCarthy, or whoever the speaker is, doesn’t stray from the Trumpist doctrine of retribution and election damage.

It flew under the radar this week, but there are signs that McCarthy already has a head start. Freedom Caucus member Rep. Chip Roy, of Texas, blasted McCarthy for failing to prevent a few Republicans from voting for an infrastructure bill. Roy was annoyed that he had to explain that to angry constituents.

McCarthy shot back that he often has to explain Roy’s votes, too. More than one person noticed that Roy, a staunch Trumpist conservative, voted to certify the 2020 election results on Jan. 6. That makes him an outlier among his Freedom Caucus friends. If that was McCarthy’s point, what you see there is the probable future Speaker of the House using a member’s vote to certify a fair election as a weapon against them.

That, along with the Paul Gosar episode, tells us a lot about the kind of future—and the kind of accountability—McCarthy, Perry, and the Freedom Caucus are building for when they have real power.

The McCarthy test

About a dozen Freedom Caucus lawmakers gathered in solidarity behind Rep. Paul Gosar as he stood in the well of the House to face a rare censure this week. He was there because of the video his office tweeted depicting him killing Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

Gosar made sure to say on right-wing media outlets that he’s not sorry for the violent video, while mainstream outlets dutifully carried the message that he expressed “regret.” There was little to expect from Gosar, who has a track record of supporting the insurrection and consorting with white supremacists. What was important was what GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy had to say.

Up until the censure vote, McCarthy hadn’t criticized Gosar. Would he, the likely future Speaker of the House, who had condemned Trump immediately after the Jan. 6 insurrection and blamed him for inciting it, only to quickly retreat, use the spectacle of the censure vote to unmistakably condemn political violence?

Nope! Instead, McCarthy offered a litany of familiar attacks against Democrats, and a general, non-specific condemnation of violence. For Gosar, and his actions, he had no criticism at all.

Trump’s Freedom Caucus soldiers spent the earlier part of the week vowing retribution on anyone seeking accountability for the violent Jan. 6 riot and parallel coup attempt. Meanwhile, Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene made clear she was monitoring McCarthy for signs of weakness.

Bannon loves a fight

Mark Meadows is one of the people closely watching what happens to Steven Bannon for blowing off the Jan. 6 committee’s subpoenas. Last week I wrote about what’s at stake as prosecutors decide whether to charge Bannon with contempt.

A week later, Bannon pleaded “not guilty” to two counts of contempt of Congress. Bannon appeared outside the federal courthouse, where he stood flanked by Trump’s (second) impeachment lawyer, David Schoen, and vowed to “go on offense” against his enemies.

VICE News Tonight’s Liz Landers caught up with Bannon outside the courthouse to ask the question Bannon won’t answer for Jan. 6 investigators.

Still, it’s vital to remember that Bannon’s biggest fight here isn’t the legal one over his contempt. David Frum of The Atlantic has an important piece explaining how Bannon is likely to use his court battle and the spectacle around it to wage his real war. Ever hear of the Chicago 7? “The prosecution was doing law; the defense countered with politics,” Frum writes.

Flynn’s Pentagon plot

Lest you think the Justice Department, Congress, and state governments were the only places where Trump and his allies tried to pull off their 2020 election takeover, we learned this week that Trump acolytes also tried to mobilize the military to aid in the coup attempt. Turns out General-turned-National-Security-Advisor-turned-admitted-felon-turned-QAnon-conspiracist Michael Flynn reportedly called on a former subordinate still serving at the Pentagon to “get orders signed” to seize election ballots and stop Biden from being declared the winner. It all comes from ABC News correspondent Jonathan Karl’s new book, “Betrayal: The Final Act of the Trump Show,” which hit stores this week.

Karl also details how lawyer Sidney Powell, now infamous for getting herself sanctioned and sued over “Kraken” lawsuits about voting machines, tried to enlist the same DOD official, Ezra Cohen, in a crackpot QAnon conspiracy theory. The idea was that then-CIA Director Gina Haspel had been injured and taken into custody while on a secret election-manipulation mission in Germany. Karl reports that Cohen argued with Flynn and reported Powell’s “out of her mind” call to the acting secretary of defense.

Karl writes his mind was “boggled’ by the depredations he discovered interviewing Trump for the book. And he got a tough review from the New York Times’ Jennifer Szalai, who wondered how a journalist of Karl’s experience could have been so late to the realization that Trump and his authoritarian strategies were a threat to democracy.

Rocky Mountain ouster

Wyoming Republican Rep. Liz Cheney was already on the outs with her state’s Republican Party when she voted to censure Gosar for his office’s tweets depicting him killing AOC. Earlier in the week, Wyoming GOPs voted to no longer recognize Cheney as a Republican, after she committed the dual sins of voting to impeach Trump for inciting the Jan. 6 mob and joining the select committee investigating the insurrection.

The narrow 31-29 vote telegraphs the ugly fight Cheney faces to stay in Congress in 2022 with Trump and his loyalists against her. A Cheney spokesperson called the idea that his boss isn’t sufficiently conservative “laughable.” Of course, it’s not her conservatism that’s the issue but her lack of loyalty. Cheyenne attorney Harriet Hagemen, Trump’s endorsed primary challenger, said Cheney “broke with where we are as a state” when she went against Trump.

That’s a real Shaman

The guy who became the global face of the Jan. 6 insurrection by parading through the Capitol in Viking horns and face-paint on behalf of Donald Trump got nearly three and a half years in prison this week. Jacob Chansley, aka the “QAnon Shaman,” was sentenced to 41 months behind bars, including 10 months he’s already served. That’s the toughest sentence for any Jan. 6 rioter to date, and a weird scene in the ongoing weirdness Chansley and his lawyers manufactured after the insurrection.

Chansley climbed on the dais in the Senate, where prosecutors said he scrawled a note for Mike Pence that said "It's Only A Matter of Time. Justice Is Coming.”

Chansley delivered a long, at times contrite statement to Judge Joyce Lamberth, but Lamberth still stuck him with a relatively long sentence. Prosecutors say Chansley was among the first few rioters to enter the Capitol, that he carried a spear into the building, and that he rallied other rioters to bring out lawmakers from inside.

A Mile High with QAnon — There’ve been more and more stories of local officials acting out their QAnon fantasies on the very real elections we’re supposed to trust them with.

This week the FBI raided the home of a Republican Colorado election official who’s accused of facilitating leaks that ended with QAnon figures posting the contents of voting machine hard drives online. VICE News’ David Gilbert has the story on Tina Peters, an official from Mesa County, who, along with three others, got an early-morning visit from the feds Tuesday.

Peters turned up at the August “Cyber Symposium” hosted by MyPillow CEO and leading Trumpist election conspiracist Mike Lindell, and VICE News Tonight was there to document the scene, including a pretty nutso interview with Lindell:

Pro-Insurrection 2020 Check-in — Meet the Virginia state senator who gave a speech at the Jan. 6 Stop the Steal rally, praised rioters as "patriots," supported calls for martial law to overturn the election, then played a key role in electing businessman Glenn Youngkin governor. She's Amanda Chase, and she's running for Congress.

American Radicals — Who exactly were those bedraggled Michigan guys who plotted to abduct, hog-tie, and execute Gov. Gretchen Whitmer? Journalist Nina Burleigh has this don’t-miss look into the militiamen who called themselves The Watchmen, how they got radicalized in a Facebook-fueled haze of anti-government Christianity, and how an informant with guts blew up the plot. When you read it, you’ll wonder how many more of these guys are out there waiting for the signal to strike.

Savior of the Republic… Pat Toomey? — If you don’t know who Pat Toomey is, don’t feel bad. He’s a not-super-famous GOP senator from Pennsylvania. And according to some new research, he’s the man who can convince Republicans the election wasn’t stolen.

Researchers at Stanford University wanted to see whether statements from “elite” political figures could knock people (especially Republicans) off the idea the 2020 election was stolen. They showed subjects a bunch of clips of Republicans and Democrats stating that the election was secure, and, it turns out, a significant number of Republicans actually responded. One of the guys who worked: Pat Toomey.

It’s good news, according to the researchers, because it suggests GOP elites can sway public opinion against Big Lie BS. Aaaaand here’s the problem: This stuff worked under laboratory conditions, but in the real world, Toomey is retiring from the Senate, after years getting trashed by Trump. So much for our experimental heroes.

An Election Plotter on the Election Board — You know the one where the bank robber is put in charge of vault security? A lawyer who’s on tape trying to help Trump muscle Georgia officials into stealing the 2020 election was appointed to a federal election integrity advisory committee, it was reported this week. Attorney Cleta Mitchell got named to the Board of Advisors for the federal Election Assistance Commission, which makes recommendations on election security and best practices.

Mitchell was on the line when Trump called Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger on Jan. 2, trying to get Raffensperger to overturn Biden’s win in Georgia. She can be heard tossing out a lot of theories at the official, trying to get him to decertify election results. Mitchell was appointed back in August, but no one noticed until she joined the board earlier this month.


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A Year Later, Protesters Injured by Police Are Still Trying to HealRickia Young, a 29-year-old nurse's aide said, "I still ache every day," she said of her injuries. "I can barely play with my son." (photo: Aaron Ricketts/NBC News)

A Year Later, Protesters Injured by Police Are Still Trying to Heal
Char Adams, NBC News
Adams writes: "Rickia Young, a 29-year-old nurse's aide, clearly remembers the moment police officers swarmed her car in West Philadelphia last year."

Protesters filled streets around the world after George Floyd’s killing. For some, the scars of that summer run deep.

Rickia Young, a 29-year-old nurse’s aide, clearly remembers the moment police officers swarmed her car in West Philadelphia last year. She heard one window shatter, then another. Not only was she worried for her own safety, but Young said she feared for her toddler son’s life.

“The cops were banging and yelling, ‘Get the f--- out of the car!’” Young recalled. “They were trying to bust all of the windows out. I was yelling, ‘My son’s in the car, stop! Stop!’ Then I felt my face on fire from the mace. From that moment, I was fighting to live.”

She was driving through West Philadelphia early on Oct. 27, 2020, to pick up a family friend who was out among demonstrators protesting the killing of Walter Wallace Jr., a 27-year-old Black man who had been shot by police responding to a 911 call a day earlier. She was attempting to make a U-turn through the rowdy crowd when Philadelphia police officers approached her car, broke the windows, dragged her from the vehicle and beat her. She became separated from her son amid the attack. The city of Philadelphia recently agreed to pay Young a $2 million settlement for the attack in September. Young, whose son is now 3, has also sued the police union over the photo, which she claims was misleading. The lawsuit is pending. However, she said neither the settlement nor the lawsuit can undo what happened.

“I still ache every day,” she said of her injuries. “I can barely play with my son. If I try to run, my back will hurt. I can barely do everyday things. I can’t even hold a baby for a long time because my arm will give out on me. I never thought in a million years that my body would feel so old so soon. It’s really been hard.”

Later, the nation's largest police labor union,the National Fraternal Order of Police, posted a Facebook photo showing Young's son in the arms of a female Philadelphia police officer just after the incident. In the post, officials said the officer rescued the lost child from the “complete lawlessness” of the protest, writing, “WE ARE the only thing standing between Order and Anarchy.”

Young was never charged with a crime.

Young is among many Americans who say they were severely injured by police in the turbulent months after George Floyd’s death on Memorial Day 2020. Amid what has been called the broadest protests in U.S. history, with thousands of people showing up at hundreds of locations across the country to protest police violence and advocate for Floyd, Wallace, Breonna Taylor and other victims, dozens of demonstrators left marches with broken bones, cuts, bruises and more permanent injuries like blindness.

Many officers arrived at the protests dressed in tactical gear and deployed crowd-control agents like pepper spray and tear gas, as well as “less-lethal” weapons (known as kinetic impact projectiles) like rubber bullets and bean-bag rounds, on the primarily peaceful protesters.

At least 115 protesters across the country were shot with these crowd-control weapons in the neck or head from May 26 to July 27, 2020 according to a report from Physicians for Human Rights.

Hospital stays, lawsuits and calls for police accountability ensued. A year later, many like Young are still struggling to recover, and others fear there’s no healing for them at all.

Young said she suffered torn ligaments in her shoulder, an injury to her back, bruising on her right leg, and lacerations to her face. She was handcuffed and separated from her then 2-year-old son for several hours.

“They treated me like an animal,” said Young, who still lives with her mother.

“He’s got years worth of recovery in front of him.”

Dounya Zayer, 22, said this is certainly true for her. She said she suffered four herniated discs, two pinched nerves, a sprained ligament in her back, and a concussion when a New York City police officer allegedly shoved her violently to the pavement during a protest on May 29 in Brooklyn.

“I catch myself in pain so frequently,” Zayer said. “It was a single moment this man made this decision. He walked away from it, but he ruined my life.”

Zayer said she is still undergoing physical therapy. She said she has stopped driving because she fears being pulled over by police and facing abuse because of the publicity surrounding her injury. The officer Zayer alleged to have smacked her cellphone out of her hand and pushed her, Vincent D’Andraia, was initially arrested and charged with misdemeanor assault. Over a year later, D’Andraia remains on modified duty, an NYPD spokesperson said, and it is unclear what penalties he will face. Zayer testified at a virtual public hearing regarding NYPD misconduct and has filed a lawsuit against the city, as well as the NYPD, D’Andraia and others.

A former gymnast, Zayer said she fears her days of mobility and flexibility are over. Zayer said she quit her job as a teacher because of her injuries and briefly tried working as a nanny to make ends meet, but that proved too painful. Now Zayer remains unemployed and is struggling to live by herself.

“Living alone is impossible. I have to reach out to people for help with almost everything,” she said. “If I want to set my air conditioner up, if I want to carry my groceries up my stairs, if I want to clean my cat litter. If I stand to do my dishes for more than 15 minutes, I’m in pain.”

Police violence against protesters last year was widely documented, but it’s unclear just how many people endured injuries because not everyone sought medical attention or even reported their attacks. Zayer is one of scores of protesters whose injuries were captured and posted on social media. For others, their severe injuries were all the evidence they had of the violence.

Argelio Giron underwent emergency surgery to remove a ruptured testicle after police shot him in the groin with a rubber bullet during a May 31 protest in Sonoma County, California. On June 4, Martin Gugino, who is in his 70s, suffered a fractured skull and concussion after police in Buffalo, New York, pushed him to the ground at a demonstration. Randy Stewart alleged in a damages claim that a Los Angeles police officer shot him in the back of the head with a rubber bullet, causing a brain hemorrhage, tinnitus, speech and vision trouble, and more.

After the protests died down, those injured by police were left with pain, doctors visits and mounting medical bills. Victims filed lawsuits and sought accountability from the police departments responsible for their injuries.

Giron received $200,000 in a settlement from Santa Rosa, California, according to The Press Democrat. The city of Eugene, Oregon, paid $45,000 to settle a lawsuit from a Eugene Weekly reporter, Henry Houston, who was tear-gassed and shot with pepper balls while covering a protest. In Minneapolis, the City Council approved a $57,900 settlement to Graciela Cisneros, whose eye was injured when an officer fired a projectile at her as she and her partner left a demonstration, The Star Tribune reported.

Five protesters were awarded a total of $1.9 million by Santa Rosa as a result of police-inflicted protest injuries. One plaintiff, Marqus Martinez, is still recovering after being hit with a sting ball grenade in his face on May 31 as he recorded the police on his cellphone. His mouth was split up to his nose; he also suffered a broken jaw and concussion, according to the suit. Video of the incident showed the small blast, and Martinez is heard groaning in pain.

“The explosion blew his face open and knocked all of his teeth in, propelling a couple of them into his mouth,” said Izaak Schwaiger, who represented Martinez and the others in the lawsuit. “He’s got years worth of recovery in front of him.”

It is rare for police to face consequences for such violence. No one was charged in relation to Martinez’s injury. But Sgt. Mike Clark of the Santa Rosa Police Department was suspended without pay for 20 hours after a police investigation found he was the one who fired the grenade launcher that injured Martinez.

Prosecutors charged officers Aaron Torgalski and Robert McCabe with felony assault for Gugino’s injury, but a Buffalo grand jury this year dismissed the charges. Meanwhile, the Philadelphia District Attorney’s office refiled assault charges against former Officer Joseph Bologna after a judge cleared him of hitting a Temple University student with a baton.

And a Portland, Oregon, grand jury only recently indicted Officer Corey Budworth on an assault charge after he was caught on camera appearing to hit a protester in the head in August 2020.

Crowd-control agents like rubber bullets can be dangerous and sometimes lethal

Crowd-control agents like rubber bullets and bean-bag rounds are meant to be a less lethal approach to policing protests. But experts say they’re still quite dangerous, and in rare cases can be deadly. For example, bean-bag rounds are packed with lead shotgun pellets, according to KFMB. A shot from such a round has been said to deliver “the equivalent of a punch from Mike Tyson.”

“People think that rubber bullets just bounce off people like a Nerf gun, but they don't,” said Dan Maxwell, a lecturer at the University of New Haven and 25-year police veteran. “They hurt. Eighty percent of people hit with these end up with bruises or abrasions, and occasionally they’ll penetrate.”

It took Abigail Rodas, 23, weeks to eat and talk again after a Los Angeles officer allegedly shot her with a rubber bullet last June during a police violence protest, mangling the lower half of her face. Doctors stitched her mouth back together and inserted a permanent metal plate to repair her fractured jawbone.

“My whole face was swollen. I wasn’t able to talk. I had to adjust with texting or a white board, writing things down for my family,” Rodas said. “I dropped like 12 pounds because I could only have liquids like broths and juices. I couldn’t move my jaw because I had screws in my gums to keep me from opening it too wide.”

The pain and side effects from medications made going to school impossible, so Rodas dropped out. Today, she works various art jobs for a living. She lives with permanent scars on her lips and chin and often suffers painful spasms in her head, she said. Rodas sent a complaint to the Los Angeles Police Department and, more than a year later, the agency sent a response declaring her allegations “unfounded,” her attorney Jorge Gonzales said.

Rodas is one of several plaintiffs named in a class-action lawsuit over the department’s crowd-control tactics. Los Angeles police officials said they could not comment on pending litigation.

Projectiles aren’t the only harmful crowd-control weapons, though.

Chemical weapons like tear gas are banned from being used in international warfare under the 1925 Geneva Protocol, but police departments in the U.S. are allowed to use them as a method of riot control. Tear gas can cause irritation to the eyes, mouth, throat, skin and lungs. When used in an enclosed area, these weapons can have long-term effects like eye problems, asthma and even respiratory failure leading to death, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

About 50 plaintiffs are named in a class-action lawsuit claiming Charlotte, North Carolina, police trapped them in a parking garage during a June 2020 protest and tear-gassed them, shot them with projectiles and threw flashbangs, a less-lethal explosive intended to disorient people.

Police maintain that crowd-control agents are essential for quelling rowdy protests. “They are safer. They give us a standoff distance. If you take these tools away from us, we’re defaulted to batons or firearms. There’s nothing in between,” said Lt. Travis Norton, a member of the California Association of Tactical Officers and an officer with California’s Oceanside Police Department.

But critics say the “riot agents” aren’t as harmless as law enforcement agencies let on.

The U.S. began using rubber and plastic bullets for crowd control during Vietnam War protests but stopped using them in protest settings in the 1970s after a fatality, according to the report from Physicians for Human Rights. They later became a staple among local law enforcement agencies in the ’80s after a Supreme Court decision renewed American interest in nonlethal methods.

Dr. Rohini Haar, an emergency physician, medical adviser with Physicians for Human Rights and an adjunct professor at University of California, Berkeley, described these projectiles as “military weapons” commonly used on oppressed groups. Haar said she saw several injuries from crowd-control weapons during the Floyd protests.

“Seeing things like broken bones or someone hit in the eye is not rare,” Harr said, referring to projectiles. “They’re dangerous when fired up close and they’re dangerous from far away. They’re indiscriminate. This is really not what we should be using when policing crowds.”

Policies may change but physical damage is permanent

Rules on using crowd-control agents vary among the nation’s law enforcement agencies.Last June, 13 U.S. senators urged the Congress’ investigative entity, the Government Accountability Office, to investigate misuse of rubber bullets and bean-bag rounds against protesters. Some cities and states are examining how police departments use these weapons. Since last summer, authorities in DenverDallasAustin, Texas; San Jose, California; Los Angeles; and Seattle have issued orders to curb the use of crowd-control agents amid the protests.

Even so, reports show that some officers violated their own department’s rules during the protests. Two Santa Rosa Police Department officers were disciplined for protest control tactics, including Officer Noel Gaytan, who allegedly shot Giron with an unauthorized rubber bullet.

Any policy change comes too late for Shantania Love, 30, who is now permanently blind in one eye because of a projectile. Love, of Sacramento, said she believes she was struck in the eye by a rubber bullet when police began firing at a crowd of protesters at a demonstration on May 29.

“It was probably the worst pain I’ve ever felt. It felt like I got hit in the face with a bowling ball. The entire left side of my head hurt. It was intense,” Love said. Her eye was swollen shut for two days before she went to the hospital. There, doctors told her she’d never be able to see out of her left eye again.

“I just sat there and I cried,” she said. “It was traumatic. I’ve had multiple surgeries and doctors’ appointments. I had lived 29 years being able to see out of both eyes and now this happens.”

Love is still adjusting to the disability a year later: dealing with severe pain and migraines and struggling with daily tasks like preparing meals and walking at home. She says she often bumps into objects due to her skewed depth perception and has only recently begun driving again. She said she was out of work as a medical assistant for 11 months and couldn’t afford to cover her medical bills. What’s worse, she said, playing with her 6- and 8-year-old daughters is harder than ever.

“They’ll try to show something to me, or throw something to me on the left side, and they forget, ‘Mommy can’t see over there,’” she said. The Sacramento Police Department did not respond to a request for comment from NBC News.

The physical pain and financial hardship are only compounded by the psychological stress of enduring police violence, those who were injured say. Love said she suffers from depression and severe panic attacks as a result of her injury.

Rodas, whose jaw was permanently damaged during protests in Los Angeles, is working through her intense depression with a therapist.

“I feel like a lot of me was taken away. My personality changed a lot,” Rodas said. “Mentally and physically, it’s hard to see myself in a different way. I don’t look like myself anymore. I’m like, ‘Who is this?’ The depression has been intense. I had thoughts of ‘they should have just killed me.’”

Meanwhile, Cerise Castle said she tries to keep her mind off of her injuries for fear of falling into a deep depression.

Castle, 28, a freelance journalist in Los Angeles, suffered internal bone bruising on her right ankle and a laceration to her arm after she was shot with a rubber bullet and fell to the ground while covering a protest on May 30 in Los Angeles.

“My ankle will never be the same,” she said. “I struggle to accept that. I like skateboarding. … That’s something I’m probably not going to be able to do anymore. I’m not going to be able to come back from this.”

Castle lost her job after her injury and spent six months bed-ridden. She turned her attention to police accountability and devoted her time to writing a report exposing deputy gangs within the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department. This, she said, is the silver lining to her battle with police violence.

“I can’t think of a better thing I could have done with my time,” Castle said. “I’m proud of myself for taking something that was an unfortunate situation and turning it into something that can help my community and make some change.”


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Charlottesville Trial: White Nationalists 'Celebrated' Violence, Lawyers SayHundreds of white nationalists, neo-Nazis and members of the "alt-right" march down East Market Street toward Emancipation Park during the Unite the Right rally on Aug. 12, 2017, in Charlottesville. (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty)

Charlottesville Trial: White Nationalists 'Celebrated' Violence, Lawyers Say
Alexandra Villarreal, Guardian UK
Villarreal writes: "White nationalists 'planned, executed and then celebrated' racially motivated violence that killed one counter-protester and injured dozens, lawyers for nine people hurt during the 2017 'Unite The Right' rally in Charlottesville said this week, as they urged jurors to hold some of the country's most infamous white supremacists accountable."

Jury expected to begin deliberations in trial of civil lawsuit alleging two dozen conspired to commit violence


White nationalists “planned, executed and then celebrated” racially motivated violence that killed one counter-protester and injured dozens, lawyers for nine people hurt during the 2017 “Unite The Right” rally in Charlottesville said this week, as they urged jurors to hold some of the country’s most infamous white supremacists accountable.

The jury is expected to begin deliberations on Friday in the trial of a civil lawsuit alleging that two dozen white nationalists, neo-Nazis and white supremacist organizations conspired to commit violence during two days of deadly demonstrations that rattled America’s conscience.

Attorneys for the plaintiffs showed the jury dozens of text messages, chatroom exchanges and social media postings by the rally’s main planners, including some peppered with racial epithets and talk of “cracking skulls” of anti-far-right counter-protesters.

“We sued the people who were responsible – the leaders, the promoters, the group leaders, the people who brought the army, the people who were the most violent members of the army. Those are the people who we ask you to hold accountable today,” said attorney Karen Dunn.

Hundreds of emboldened white nationalists descended on Charlottesville in August 2017, ostensibly to protest the city’s plans to remove a statue of Confederate general Robert E Lee. Americans watched in horror as white nationalists surrounded counter-protesters, shouted “Jews will not replace us!” and threw burning tiki torches at them during a night march on the University of Virginia campus.

There followed a day of horrific clashes around the park where the statue was located, before it was removed in the summer of 2021.

Then in a terrible denouement, neo-Nazi James Alex Fields Jr rammed his car into an anti-white-supremacy protest, killing 32-year-old activist Heather Heyer and injuring others.

Donald Trump, still in the early stages of his presidency, caused uproar by saying there were some “very fine people on both sides” of the protests.

Fields is serving life in prison for murder and hate crimes for the car attack. He is named as a defendant in the lawsuit, which seeks monetary damages and a judgment that the defendants violated the plaintiffs’ constitutional rights.

Roberta Kaplan – a lawyer for the plaintiffs famous for advancing same-sex marriage and reportedly counseling New York’s then governor Andrew Cuomo on sexual assault allegations against him – told jurors that if they find the defendants liable for the violence, it is up to them how much to award in damages.

She suggested a range of $7m to $10m for each of the four plaintiffs who were injured in the car attack and $3m to $5m for plaintiffs physically harmed in street clashes or emotionally injured by witnessing the violence. Kaplan did not suggest a specific range for punitive damages.

The lawsuit is being funded by Integrity First for America, a non-profit civil rights organization, and is part of a legal offensive to weaken the far right.

“The bottom line is all of these traditional legal theories are tools to make people answer for their conduct, bring them out of the shadows, expose them for what they are and ultimately show they have less power than they think,” David Dinielli, the deputy legal director of the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), previously told the Guardian.

Some defendants in the case used their closing arguments to distance themselves from Fields.

While conceding that the plaintiffs’ lawyers have shown the defendants said “ridiculous” and “offensive” things, the defense has argued that their clients’ use of racial epithets and that their blustery talk in chatrooms before the rally is protected by the first amendment.

“They’re racists, they’re anti-Semites. No kidding. You knew that when you walked in here,” said attorney James Kolenich, who represents Jason Kessler, the lead organizer of the rally.

“What does that do to prove a conspiracy?”

Kolenich said that when the defendants talked about violence before the rally, they were referring to fistfights, pushing and shoving, not plowing into a crowd with a car.

“None of these defendants could have foreseen what James Fields did,” Kolenich said.

Richard Spencer, a white nationalist who coined the term “alt-right” and represented himself at trial, told the jury he had no role in planning the events and did not commit acts of violence. Plaintiffs’ lawyers have portrayed Spencer as the leader of the torch rally.

“The last thing in the world that I wanted by agreeing to speak at Unite the Right was an event that became a catastrophe, that involved the tragic death of a young woman, that involved the injuries to the plaintiffs and that will forever remain a stain on the cause that I sincerely believe in,” Spencer said.

He also reminded the jury about Trump’s comments after the rally, when he failed to immediately denounce the white nationalists and said there were “very fine people on both sides”. That drew a warning from Judge Norman Moon, who said Trump’s remarks were not evidence in the case and could not be used.

Spencer was warned again by the judge when he began to talk about Jesus, whom he described as a radical who was executed for his views.

The white nationalist turned again to the jury.

“Your task – and it’s a difficult one – is to apply the law fairly and precisely,” he said. “Even to those who you might despise.”

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Think Tank Funded by the Weapons Industry Pressures Biden Not to Regulate Military Contractors' EmissionsThe F35 fighter jet is made by U.S. company Lockheed Martin. (photo: Brittanis Pederen/DPA)

Think Tank Funded by the Weapons Industry Pressures Biden Not to Regulate Military Contractors' Emissions
Sarah Lazare, In These Times
Lazare writes: "The Heritage Foundation has received considerable donations from the arms industry. And now it's trying to shield that industry from climate regulations targeting military contractors."

The Heritage Foundation has received considerable donations from the arms industry. And now it’s trying to shield that industry from climate regulations targeting military contractors.

The Heritage Foundation, a prominent conservative think tank, is publicly opposing a new Biden administration regulation that would force the weapons industry to report its greenhouse gas emissions related to federal contracts. It turns out the Heritage Foundation also receives significant funding from the weapons industry, which makes the case worth examining — because it reveals how the arms industry pays supposedly respectable institutions to do its policy bidding at the expense of a planet careening toward large-scale climate disaster.

The regulation in question was first proposed in an executive order in May. It would require federal contractors to disclose their greenhouse gas emissions and their “climate-related financial risk,” and to set “science-based reduction targets.” In other words, companies like Lockheed Martin would have to disclose how much carbon pollution its F‑35 aircraft and cluster bombs actually cause.

In October, the Biden administration started the process to amend federal procurement rules to reflect these changes. “Today’s action sends a strong signal that in order to do business with the federal government, companies must protect consumers by beginning to mitigate the impact of climate change on their operations and supply chains,” Shalanda Young, acting director of the White House Office of Management and Budget, said at the time.

The Department of Defense is the world’s biggest institutional consumer of fossil fuels and a bigger carbon polluter than 140 countries. Yet its emissions (and those of other armed forces) are excluded from UN climate negotiations, including the recent COP26 talks. The Biden administration itself supports a massive military budget, initially requesting $753 billion for the 2022 National Defense Authorization Act, a number that has since ballooned, with the Senate set to vote on a $778 billion plan. Organizers and researchers argue that, to curb the climate crisis, it is necessary to roll back U.S. militarism and dismantle the military budget.

But according to the Heritage Foundation, even this modest proposal is a bridge too far. Earlier in November, Maiya Clark, research associate in the Heritage Foundation’s Center for National Defense, wrote an article blasting the proposed changes as harmful to the “defense industrial base” of the United States. “The additional expense of measuring, reporting, and reducing contractors’ greenhouse gas emissions would in turn be passed along to their customer: the Department of Defense,” she writes in the article, co-published in the conservative Washington Examiner. As a result, Clark argues, the Department of Defense wouldn’t be able to afford the items it needs to fortify itself, threatening America’s war-fighting ability.

“Defense industrial base” is a buzzword that has picked up steam during the pandemic: It sends the message that, whatever happens with the economy and pandemic, we need to make sure we are in “fighting shape” — by keeping military contractors afloat. This concept was invoked to explain why, at the beginning of the pandemic, factories that produce bombs and tankers should be allowed to stay open, even amid the outbreak risk to workers. And it was also used to justify subsidies to contractors during the hardship of the pandemic.

Clark’s framing could lead one to believe that the Department of Defense is forced to resort to bake sales to afford its F‑35s. In reality, the United States has the largest military budget in the world by far — greater than the next 11 countries combined. And that trend is poised to remain as Congress moves to pass another mammoth military budget. As Lindsay Koshgarian, program director for National Priorities Project, a research organization, tells In These Times: “The idea that the military industrial complex is in danger is laughable. This is an industry that took in $3.4 trillion in public funds in the last ten years, more than half of all military spending during that time. That kind of funding should at the very least come with some accountability.”

Ultimately, Clark’s piece argues that the regulations are unfair to companies. Clark writes that “adding burdensome regulations to the already onerous Federal Acquisition Regulation would create a difficult or even impossible task for contractors, leading some firms to simply exit the defense market. The largest defense contractors for the biggest programs, like Lockheed Martin for the F‑35 or Huntington Ingalls for the Ford-class aircraft carrier, would somehow have to collect emissions data for their tens of thousands of subcontractors and suppliers.”

Clark leaves unexplained why the financial well-being of a company that manufactured the bomb that killed 40 Yemeni children in a school bus in 2018 should be weighted more heavily than modest regulations aimed at staving off humanity-threatening climate change. What’s more, Lockheed Martin is doing just fine financially, and has received considerable help from the government during the pandemic.

Most importantly, Clark leaves out this critical detail: Lockheed Martin is just one of numerous weapons manufacturers that has directly funded the Heritage Foundation. According to a report by the think tank Center for International Policy (CIP), the Heritage Foundation ranks ninth among the top think tanks that received funding from military contractors and the U.S. government from 2014 to 2019. Lockheed Martin and Raytheon were two of those major funders, both of which are among the largest weapons companies in the world and would be impacted by the new regulation.

Ben Freeman, author of the CIP report, says, “Unfortunately, since that report was published, Heritage has moved towards full secrecy on donors, and doesn’t publish any specifics,” but adds he is “100%” certain the think tank still receives funding from the weapons industry. “If they had suddenly stopped, I’d be shocked,” he tells In These Times.

The Heritage Foundation did not respond to a request from In These Times for information about its funding sources, but even under the unlikely scenario that the Heritage Foundation decided to drastically halt its cash stream from weapons companies, the documented donations are recent enough that, likely, the programs or staffers that money funded are still around. Regardless, the article raises questions about what kind of advocacy the weapons industry might be doing behind closed doors. And the fact that it name-checks the hardships imposed on Lockheed Martin, which we know has provided funding to the Heritage Foundation, certainly raises eyebrows.

This case provides a window into the murky world of think tanks, which are often viewed as academic and above-the-fray institutions but operate more as lobbying outfits. If Lockheed Martin were to run its own public relations campaign against the Biden administration’s climate regulation, the public might rightfully be skeptical of a company that markets weapons; an influential and prominent think tank, with its long history of influencing government, is better positioned to take up such a cause.

Founded in 1973, the Heritage Foundation exerted significant power over the Reagan administration, which adopted a vast swath of the think tank’s recommendations, from tax policy to military spending. The Heritage Foundation would go on to influence the Tea Party movement and the Trump administration, claiming credit for Trump’s imposition of work requirement rules for food stamp recipients. Arguably, the Heritage Foundation’s top policy priority is opposing unions and social programs for the poor, but it also shows consistent opposition to climate actions, however meager, arguing that climate diplomacy toward China is too conciliatory and that new research and dire warnings about the consequences of climate change from the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change aren’t a “blank check for green policies.”

The Washington Examiner, which co-published Clark’s article, is a subsidiary of Clarity Media Group, known for its extremely conservative bent. So this isn’t the kind of article meant to appeal to liberals. Rather, the article sends a message to the business community and conservative groups that the Heritage Foundation is taking a position against even modest regulation.

Until December 14, the Federal Acquisition Regulatory Council is soliciting public comment as it considers making regulatory changes to reflect the new rule and “ensure that major Federal agency procurements minimize the risk of climate change.” Clark’s article appears timed for this period of public input, though it remains unclear whether the Heritage Foundation’s opposition, with its weapons-industry backers, will influence regulators.

As the climate crisis brings increasingly catastrophic storms, droughts, flash floods and heat waves, the stakes of these kinds of shadow advocacy efforts are monumental. The latest United Nations report warns that dramatic action to curb greenhouse gas emissions must be taken immediately — on a global scale — to stave off worst-case scenarios, which would likely see mass death events and entire countries swallowed into the sea.

In the words of Koshgarian: “Climate change is the single biggest existential threat we face, and the military itself is a significant source of emissions. So no, we shouldn’t stick our heads in the sand about how much the military industrial complex is emitting.”


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Victims of Former Peruvian Dictator Fujimori's Mass Sterilizations Demand JusticeVictims of forced sterilizations protest in Lima, Peru, in 2014. Public hearings to uncover this dark chapter of the Fujimori dictatorship began in January. (photo: Ernesto Benavides/Getty)


Victims of Former Peruvian Dictator Fujimori's Mass Sterilizations Demand Justice
teleSUR
Excerpt: "Peruvian justice's investigation of 1,300 forced sterilizations ordered by dictator Alberto Fujimori is in danger because Judge Rafael Martinez has taken over two months to decide whether to start the investigation, lawyers for the victims condemned on Wednesday."

The Peruvian dictator sought to reduce poverty rates in his country by curbing the birth rate of low-income people.

Peruvian justice’s investigation of 1,300 forced sterilizations ordered by dictator Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) is in danger because Judge Rafael Martinez has taken over two months to decide whether to start the investigation, lawyers for the victims condemned on Wednesday.

"Martinez's attitude shows that the judiciary power does not prioritize the case," the defense lawyer Milton Campos stated, recalling that the Attorney's General Office tried to archive the investigation in 2009, 2014, 2016, and 2018.

"Our voices are dry of telling thousands of times what the dictatorship did to us. If Martinez determines that there are not sufficient reasons to investigate the case, our attorneys will appeal his decision," forced sterilization's victim Victoria Vigo stated.

Between 1996 and 2000, Fujimori organized countless "health festivals" in remote villages, in which fireworks were thrown to attract, deceive, and sterilize women without informed consent. This strategy sought to reduce poverty rates in the country by curbing the birth rate of low-income people.

To guarantee this policy's effectiveness, Fujimori awarded three travel tickets to health workers who accumulated the highest number of sterilizations performed in a day and even threatened to fire them if they refused to carry them.

The far-right politician, who is serving a 25-year prison sentence for his mediate authorship in the murders of 25 Peruvians, has not ruled on the case. Neither has done his daughter Keiko, who was the first lady during Alberto’s presidency.

President Pedro Castillo promised justice to sterilized women and recalled that his own farmer family suffered forced sterilizations. "The pain of the victims of these atrocious practices is also mine," he stressed.

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The jaw bomb detonates when bitten. Elephants that survive the blast die a slow and painful death from either infected wounds or starvation because they can no longer eat or drink. (photo: Department of Wildlife Conservation)


"Jaw Bombs," the Deadliest Threat to Sri Lanka's Elephants, Are Scaling Up
Malaka Rodrigo, Mongabay
Rodrigo writes: "Hakka patas, an improvised explosive device that detonates when bit, is the number one killer of elephants in Sri Lanka."

Elephant calves arriving at dusk to drink at the Weheragala reservoir tank in Wasgamuwa National Park can be particularly playful. But one day in September 2020, a lonely young elephant was spotted exhibiting uneasy behavior. After all the other members of its herd had gone back to the wilderness to retire for the night, this calf remained in the water. It appeared exhausted, and a closer inspection revealed why: its mouth had been severely mutilated, with saliva coming out of the swollen wounds. Unable to eat or drink, the calf died the next day.

This young elephant was yet another victim of “jaw bombs” — an improvised explosive device concealed in fodder bait that detonates when bitten. Its local name is hakka patas: jaw exploder.

Hakka patas are typically targeted at wild boars and other wildlife for bushmeat, which they kill instantly. Elephants are much bigger, so while the explosives don’t kill them right away, they inflict gruesome mouth injuries and a long-drawn-out death from infection or starvation.

The first reported cases of Sri Lankan elephants (Elephas maximus maximus) killed by hakka patas came in 2008. A decade later, these explosives have become the number one killer of this endangered species. Sri Lanka has consistently recorded more than 200 elephant killings a year for the past three years, one of the highest rates per capita of any country with a wild elephant population.

Easy-to-make explosives

The elephant calf at the Weheragala reservoir last year was the first reported case of a hakka patas being used in Wasgamuwa National Park, an ostensibly protected area. So the Sri Lanka Wildlife Conservation Society (SLWCS), an NGO that works closely with villagers to help minimize human-elephant conflict, sought to explore a little more this now-dominant threat to the country’s elephants.

“We conducted covert investigations and found that some farmers have started to use this horrible method of killing animals since June and July of 2020” said Ravi Corea, founder and president of the SLWCS.

Corea and his team tried to identify the perpetrators and raise awareness among villagers to discourage them from resorting to this inhumane method of dealing with elephants. But over the course of the next year, more elephants fell victim to the jaw bombs, showing an increase in the use of the explosive bait.

Hakka patas are easy to make. Gunpowder is mixed with gravel and metal scraps that serve as the shrapnel, and the mixture is tightly packed together. It’s then balled up with fodder and left in areas frequented by animals.

“As the trade in wild boar meat has become a huge business in some of the villages around Wasgamuwa, it also has become the most common meat consumed by villagers” Corea told Mongabay.

Corea learned through SLWCS’s local network that the explosive baits are manufactured by just a few people in the area, who sell them for around 1,500 rupees ($7.50) apiece.

Pop pop crackers, the kind that explode when thrown against a hard surface, provide the ideal ingredient that make jaw exploders work, says SLWSC researcher Chandima Fernando. In Sri Lanka, firecrackers are mainly used in April for the traditional Sinhala-Hindu New Year celebrations take place, and villagers typically keep a few packets on hand throughout the year to shoo away crop-raiding elephants and other wildlife.

But the widespread availability of pop pop crackers now means it’s easy for anyone in the community to make jaw bombs, Fernando said.

The hunters

“Villagers know who the hunters in the area are and who sets the jaw bombs,” says Deepani Jayantha, a community worker from the Hambegamuwa community near Udawalawe National Park, a known hotspot for poachers. The community was struck by tragedy in 2016 when a 10-year-old boy was killed when a hakka patas that he found while playing exploded.

The hotspot for hakka patas use against elephants appears to be Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka’s North Central province, along with parts of Eastern province. The Galgamuwa region in Anuradhapura is particularly famous for its dense elephant population. Susantha Punchi Banda, not his real name, is known within the community here for his ability to make potent jaw exploders.

“I’ve been hunting using this method for nearly 10 years” Banda told Mongabay. “I set up jaw bombs inside the forest patch at the edge of the village and collect the victims later. After making the explosives, we cover it with dried fish particles and this draws the wild boars. There are instances that other animals also bite on these explosives, including the occasional jackal.”

Banda said he was not aware of any elephants taking his bait, “but I have seen a number of elephants suffering due to biting on jaw bombs set up by others, as our village is full of hunters like me.”

He added, “I feel sorry for the elephants as they do not die instantly like other animals, but it is the fate of the beast.”

Banda used to hunt wildlife with a gun, before a colleague taught him how to make hakka patas, a method he found much easier for hunting.

“It is dangerous and if the device gets unnecessarily crushed, it can prove disastrous,” Banda said, recalling an instance when one of his colleagues lost fingers while trying to make a jaw exploder.

“It is not hard to learn, but I do not teach others. Those who hunt know how to make it, but farmers come to buy jaw exploders from me to protect their crop,” he said.

Banda also said that some farmers deliberately target elephants with jaw bombs, often out of a vengeful response from extensive damage to their crops or home. The bait of choice when targeting elephants is a pumpkin, he added.

Source of explosives

Hakka patas only get attention when elephant deaths are reported, but plenty of other wildlife fall victim to these explosives, largely unnoticed, according to veterinary surgeons at the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC).

Due to the widespread use of hakka patas, some environmentalists say it’s possible the jaw bombs are being manufactured for commercial purposes centrally and distributed throughout Sri Lanka through a covert network, though there’s no evidence yet to substantiate this allegation.

What is known is that hakka patas are made by a handful of people at the local level and sold on order, which means the industry could be considered a commercial enterprise at the local level, Corea said.

If they were manufactured in factories and sold covertly through secret networks, then these factories would most likely be linked to fireworks manufacturers or people who work for them, given the need for a reliable supply of gunpowder.

For now, there’s no evidence of any such practice.

But conservationists warn that with the COVID-19 pandemic bringing the fireworks industry to a grinding halt, it’s possible that job losses in the industry might push some people to transfer their skills into producing jaw exploders. The risk is always there, they warn, which underscores the need for better surveillance.

This article was originally published on Mongabay.

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