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Showing posts with label JEFF COHEN. Show all posts
Showing posts with label JEFF COHEN. Show all posts

Sunday, October 3, 2021

RSN: Jeff Cohen | Corporate Media Myths About the Chaos on Capitol Hill

 

 

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02 October 21

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Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez speaks to reporters. (photo: Jeenah Moon/Reuters)
RSN: Jeff Cohen | Corporate Media Myths About the Chaos on Capitol Hill
Jeff Cohen, Reader Supported News
Cohen writes: "If you get your news about politics from corporate media, you're getting myths from journalists and pundits instead of clarity."

If you get your news about politics from corporate media, you’re getting myths from journalists and pundits instead of clarity.

At Thursday’s boisterous news conference with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a reporter used the phrase “the two biggest spending bills of this Congress” to describe the Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill (BIF) and the Democrat-only Build Back Better (BBB) reconciliation proposal. The phraseology about “the two big” or “biggest" spending bills is a common media refrain. And it’s a myth.

The supposedly $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill that passed the Senate in August and was delayed yesterday in the House actually would provide only $550 billion in new spending -- and that’s over a period of 5 years -- to modernize infrastructure like roads, bridges, ports, airports, transit systems, Internet and water systems.

The proposed BBB bill -- routinely prefaced with the adjective “massive” in corporate news outlets (whether liberal or conservative) -- would spend $3.5 trillion over 10 years to address the climate crisis and to expand healthcare, childcare and the social safety net in general . . . though still leaving our country far behind almost all other developed nations.

Meanwhile, although it received far less media coverage than the BBB and was rarely labeled “massive,” the U.S. House broke all records last week by voting to spend $768 billion in the next year on the military. Since it’s an annual expenditure, this spending dwarfs the multi-year BBB and BIF bills combined. Yet no reporter shouted a question about it at Pelosi’s news conference.

To put this exorbitant military spending in perspective, the Biden White House called for an increase in Trump’s already-bloated military budget, but that apparently wasn’t big enough for Pelosi and other House leaders of both parties, who added $25 billion to the Pentagon’s annual budget above what Biden requested. The military bill passed with bipartisan support: 181 Democrats and 135 Republicans.

Even after the Afghan war has finally ended, the establishment’s appetite for unbridled military spending seems insatiable.

A corollary myth in mainstream media is that Capitol Hill progressives like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez are the profligate spenders and budget busters in Washington, not corporate Democrats or Republicans. But it was Pelosi and the House leadership -- allied with a unified GOP -- who defeated a progressive amendment introduced last week by AOC to cut 10 percent from the Pentagon budget. Only 86 Democrats and no Republicans supported the budget cut.

Democrats who voted against the 10 percent Pentagon reduction received far more campaign donations from the military-industrial sector than those Democrats who voted for the cut.

Tough scrutiny of corporate influence over Congress members is almost as absent in mainstream media as scrutiny of military spending.

Which bring us to more media mythology, this time revolving around Senator Joe Manchin -- who is constantly labeled a “moderate” Democrat and not a “corporate” or “corporatist” Democrat. Mainstream journalists take at face value Manchin’s claims that he opposes the Build Back Better initiative because of its price tag and because it expands the “entitlement mentality.”

But as any awake journalist should know, given Manchin’s close relationship with corporate lobbyists, his objection is less about the price tag’s impact on budget deficits or about entitlements (he’s always fought for government welfare to the fossil fuel industry) than it is about the taxes included in the BBB. Indeed, the BBB package would be heavily paid for by increased taxes on big corporations and the wealthy.

By contrast, the Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill that Manchin helped craft is not paid for by any new taxes (while it subsidizes dirty energy projects).

The BBB reconciliation proposal would save taxpayer money by cutting subsidies to oil and gas and would raise money by increasing fees -- for example, a fee on emissions of methane, a horrific contributor to global warming.

If mainstream journalists focused more on Manchin’s corporate alliances and the specifics of who benefits and who gets taxed in these bills, it would help clarify why Manchin supports BIF but not the BBB. Bloomberg News offered some rare clarity: “Manchin’s campaign and leadership political action committees received almost $400,000 from the oil and gas industry since 2017, and he was the sector’s top recipient in Congress through the first six months of 2021 with $179,450, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.”

According to journalists for independent outlets like The Intercept and Sludge, Manchin has made more than $4.5 million from his family’s coal businesses since he joined the Senate in 2011.

Asked by an MSNBC anchor about the opposition from Manchin and “centrist Democrats,” progressive Congress member Katie Porter offered the kind of clarity that corporate journalists tend to avoid:

“There are a huge number of corporations that pay zero taxes, and by making savvy revenue choices -- for example, using a real corporate profit approach to dealing with those corporations that pay zero -- we could generate 700 billion. . . . We can generate the revenue so that this isn't about $3.5 trillion in spending. . . . I have the will to do it. The question is: does Senator Manchin? Or is he more concerned about his corporate donors including large corporations, the oil and gas industry, the big pharmaceutical industry, and others who are getting away with paying nothing under our current tax system?”

Rep. Porter continued:

“I’d like to see Senator Joe Manchin come out in favor of fully funding the IRS, in favor of having a fair global corporate tax system. . . . I think it's dead-on fiscally irresponsible for Senator Manchin to refuse to raise revenue and at the same time out of the other side of his mouth -- maybe the side of his mouth that he uses to talk to his corporate donors -- complain that we can't pay for the things that American families desperately need.”

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Tuesday, September 14, 2021

RSN: Jeff Cohen | To Avert Failure, Biden Should Listen to the 'Radicals' - Not Corporate Media

 

 

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14 September 21

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PULLING TEETH TO GET SOME OF YOU DONATING: Truth: We love RSN. We love what we do. More Truth: Getting some of you folks to donate takes too long. The time expended every month to pull in what relatively little funding is required to sustain the project is disproportionate to the point of being counterproductive. Yes, we get the necessary donations eventually, but the time we expend should rightly be dedicated to the mission. Timing is everything. For your consideration.
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Joe Biden. (photo: Michael Stravato/The Texas Tribune)
RSN: Jeff Cohen | To Avert Failure, Biden Should Listen to the 'Radicals' - Not Corporate Media
Jeff Cohen, Reader Supported News
Cohen writes: "If President Biden fails to act boldly and quickly in improving the material lives of poor, working-class and struggling middle-class Americans of all colors, the right wing is likely to come storming back into power through the 2022 and 2024 elections."

The administration will fail unless Biden listens to voices of change, even Schumer's, rather than corporate voices urging timidity.


If President Biden fails to act boldly and quickly in improving the material lives of poor, working-class and struggling middle-class Americans of all colors, the right wing is likely to come storming back into power through the 2022 and 2024 elections.

With Biden’s popularity lagging, success or failure for his administration hinges on who he listens to on various pressing issues. Will he side with the “radicals” or with the go-slow, yes/no, status-quo corporate media?

STUDENT DEBT: Biden should listen to Senate leader Chuck Schumer, not exactly a Marxist-Leninist, who has spent months publicly pressuring the president to use his executive authority under the Higher Education Act of 1965 to cancel up to $50,000 in federal student debt for each person holding such debt. This executive order would dramatically stimulate the economy well in advance of the 2022 election – and would be an important step forward on racial justice as well as economic equity.

But too much like President Reagan who – when asked about government help to poor people – would habitually invoke the anecdote of a welfare-grabbing, Cadillac-driving, fur-wearing “woman from Chicago,” Biden repeatedly answers questions about student debt cancellation by invoking Ivy Leaguers and his aversion to forgiving “billions of dollars in debt for people who have gone to Harvard and Yale and Penn.” It’s a Reagan-like myth: almost none of the $1.7 trillion owed in student debt is held by Ivy Leaguers. Half of those with student debt attended public colleges, and a whopping 25 percent attended for-profit colleges, including unscrupulous ones. Nearly 78 percent of black students take out federal student loans, as do 57.5 percent of white students.

Biden seems to have shelved even his meager campaign pledge to get Congress to cancel – due to COVID – $10,000 in college debt per person.

GUNS VS. BUTTER: The aforementioned Schumer joined Bernie Sanders last year in championing a historic but failed amendment in Congress to cut 10 percent of the military budget and reinvest that $74 billion in “jobs, education, health care, and housing” in poor and working-class communities. An expansive domestic agenda will help Democrats win in 2022 and 2024 – and cuts in the military budget (which soaks up half of all federal discretionary spending) would help pay for that agenda. But the Biden administration rejected such cuts and instead proposed an increase in military spending even beyond Trump’s bloated military budget.

The other way to fund a progressive domestic agenda is also popular with voters: taxing wealthy elites. Which side is Biden on as Senator Joe Manchin and other pro-big-business Democrats in Congress fight to protect those elites from tax increases and to shrink the proposed $3.5 trillion budget reconciliation package?

MEDICARE EXPANSION: Instead of all the myths and propaganda about healthcare that Biden hears from corporate media, he’d be smart to listen to one of his own cabinet members, Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra, who strongly supported Medicare for All during his 24 years in Congress. Today, as the battle rages among Democrats in Congress over the size of the budget reconciliation proposal, progressives are pushing to include a significant expansion of Medicare – by providing seniors with dental, vision, and hearing coverage, while lowering eligibility from age 65 to 60 and granting Medicare the power to negotiate with Big Pharma for lower drug prices.

Medicare expansion faces resistance from corporatist Democrats and their powerful and frenzied corporate sponsors. Biden should sit down privately and talk with Secretary Becerra, who might tell him that a major expansion of Medicare in 2021 (even if not full Medicare for All) would help Democrats in 2022 – especially with older voters, the ones who rarely miss an election. (It’s worth remembering that even Hillary Clinton, hardly a militant socialist, called for Medicare to be open to those 55 and over during her 2016 presidential campaign.)

Prominently displayed above the fireplace in Joe Biden’s Oval Office is a portrait of Franklin Roosevelt, the most popular and successful president in modern U.S. history. FDR succeeded and won repeated reelection in alliance with genuine radicals and socialists – often heeding their proposals and advice. These were not establishment figures like Chuck Schumer.

At this crucial juncture, if Biden won’t even heed Schumer’s urgent advice to give the country an FDR-like push forward – and instead listens to the “go-slow/go-small” warnings of giant corporations and their media – the GOP will win big in 2022 ... and the Biden era will end quicker than you can say Jimmy Carter.



Jeff Cohen is co-founder of RootsAction.org, a retired journalism professor at Ithaca College, and author of Cable News Confidential: My Misadventures in Corporate Media. In 1986, he founded the media watch group FAIR

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Monday, July 26, 2021

RSN: FOCUS: Jeff Cohen | 35 Years Later, Looking Back at the Founding of FAIR

  

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25 July 21

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Let’s get urgent here, please.

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25 July 21

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ON PACE FOR A SERIOUS CRASH AND BURN. The fundraising numbers are a good 30% lower than any month in the past year. At this point, we are looking at a major impact on our ability to maintain services. The numbers are what they are. If we don’t get “reasonable” support, we cannot do this. The numbers are overwhelmingly in our favor. We are battling a mindset, and it’s not working.
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Jeff Cohen debating Pat Buchanan on CNN. (photo: CNN)
FOCUS: Jeff Cohen | 35 Years Later, Looking Back at the Founding of FAIR
Jeff Cohen, FAIR
Cohen writes: "It was 35 years ago this month that I left my beloved Venice, California, to move to New York City to launch FAIR. Not many progressive nonprofits endure 35 years, but FAIR has survived and thrived."

I wanted to launch FAIR from Venice, but friends and advisers insisted, correctly, that a national media group would lack credibility if not based in New York or DC. Given the Reaganite stench permeating our nation’s capital, NYC was the obvious choice.

Welcome to NYC

It’s easy to forget that corporate liberal media back then were as soft on the declining Reagan—and his smilingly vicious brand of politics and terror wars in Central America—as they are today on Joe Biden. That media deference to Reaganism was a major reason I launched FAIR; my arrival in New York was greeted by Time magazine’s unironic North Korea–like cover of Reagan, haloed by colorful fireworks.

At the beginning we couldn’t afford to rent an office, so we launched FAIR out of the cramped Upper West Side apartment of FAIR co-founder/author Martin Lee and lawyer Pia Gallegos. Since any half-awake journalist would know that our West End Avenue address was no office building, we thought putting “Suite 7C” with that address on FAIR’s stationery was an open joke, rather than a lie. “Accuracy,” after all, was literally our middle name.

Later we moved into our first office at 666 Broadway—a building we were proud to share with such organizations as the Center for Constitutional Rights, Harper’s magazine and Lambda Legal. It’s there we launched our newsletter, Extra!, in June 1987, with Martin Lee as editor. Luckily for FAIR, Martin had just finished Acid Dreams, his opus on LSD, the CIA and the 1960s.

Amerika the beautiful

Without luck, a genuinely progressive and anti-corporate group won’t survive far beyond birth. We got key grants at key times (thanks to the late David Hunter), key volunteers (like comedy writer Dennis Perrin; Steve Rendall, who later became FAIR’s research director; and the “two Lindas”: Linda Valentino and Linda Mitchell) and key stupidity from the ABC TV network.

Despite Reagan’s blather about an “evil empire,” the Soviet Union was on its last legs in 1986-87. But in Hollywood’s feverish Cold War imaginings, the Russians were still coming—hell-bent on conquering and ruling us. ABC took the honors in the paranoia pageant with Amerika, a 14-hour dramatic miniseries proposed to ABC by a right-wing columnist (New York, 1/26/87). It depicted the USA under the thumb of a vicious Soviet occupation, in league with a bunch of conspirators: the United Nations, internal traitors, Cubans, etc.

FAIR learned early on that we needed mainstream media allies to survive. During the filming of Amerika, a whistleblower inside ABC leaked us the entire shooting script. We shared it with the UN. Every mainstream journalist who covered the erupting Amerika controversy needed us to get a look at the script. The miniseries put FAIR on the map as critics of conservative or Cold War media propaganda. I was quoted in the press referring to Amerika as a “14-hour commercial for Reagan’s Star Wars scheme.”

During this period of Red Dawn/Rambo/Amerika, I debated ultra-right “Accuracy In Media” journalism-basher Reed Irvine. Irvine joined the Reaganites in attacking anyone who compared US-supported right-wing “authoritarianism” (aka fascism) to Communism. That was the dreaded “moral equivalence.” Unlike right-wing dictators who could be overthrown, Irvine insisted, Communist states were eternal. Within a few years, the Soviet Union and a half-dozen other Communist regimes were gone.

From margin to mainstream

One of FAIR’s main goals was to take what had been a marginalized progressive media critique (found in the then-undercirculated books of Noam Chomsky and Ed Herman, or in Alex Cockburn’s columns) and push that critique into the faces of mainstream journalists. Amerika helped us get known. I soon appeared in national TV debates.

When we launched Extra!, our friends who worked inside national news outlets put dozens of copies inside bathrooms. We mailed copies free to hundreds of mainstream journalists—whether they subscribed or not (which might be called spam today).

For PR heft, we quickly assembled an “Advisory Board” that included prominent journalists, media critics and activists such as Chomsky, Ben Bagdikian, Jessica Mitford, Studs Terkel, Adam Hochschild, Allen Ginsberg, Dolores Huerta, Frances Moore Lappé and Rev. Joseph Lowery.

In the 1990s, FAIR would gain acclaim for taking on Rush Limbaugh and Fox News, but right-wing media were far less powerful in the mid-1980s. Our focus in the early years was on “prestige” news outlets—those seen as sanctuaries of objective, fact-based journalism.

Shaming elite media

In October 1987, we devoted a 16-page special issue to elite media’s Reagan-friendly distortions about the Sandinista revolution, followed a few months later with a devastating 18-point “Questionnaire for the New York Times on its Central America Coverage” (Extra!1–2/88). The chapter-and-verse document, which was special-delivered to Times editors, exposed systemic bias—asking why, for example, assassinations of progressive leaders in El Salvador or Honduras received far less prominent coverage than the brief detention of right-wing oppositionists in Nicaragua.

In a written response and in a public debate at Columbia University, Times editors referred to our questionnaire as an “indictment.” That was one Times assessment whose accuracy we couldn’t challenge.

In our efforts to budge mainstream news outlets, it soon became clear to us that shaming them (especially in other mainstream forums) was often a more effective tactic than persuasion. When FAIR launched, the most prestigious US TV news show was Ted Koppel’s Nightline on ABC. In the first of many systematic and impactful studies, FAIR published an analysis of 40 months of Nightline’s guestlist (Extra!1–2/89), which exposed blatant pro-conservative and pro-militarist biases, and the exclusion of female guests and people of color.

Our study received strong coverage in hundreds of dailies. A mainstream African-American columnist took to referring to Nightline as “Whiteline.” A Pennsylvania daily published a photo of Koppel interviewing Kermit the Frog, with the sarcastic caption: “Ted Koppel makes a rare appearance with a member of a minority group on Nightline.”

Still critiquing after all these years

It’s been more than two decades since I left FAIR’s staff. Every day, I beam like a proud papa at the brilliant work FAIR churns out—online, in Extra!, on CounterSpin. When I’m on the road lecturing, I still run into activists who boast of having “every issue of Extra! from the beginning.”

To this day, people still mistakenly thank me for the latest first-rate critique from FAIR. Sometimes I correct their misimpression that I have a hand in FAIR’s great work 35 years later. Sometimes I don’t. But all the time, I tell FAIR’s many fans to do three things: Spread the word, join the battle, and donate.

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