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Showing posts with label HURRICANE IDA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HURRICANE IDA. Show all posts

Sunday, September 5, 2021

RSN: Andy Borowitz | Texas Republicans Back Statewide Dress Code for Women

 

 

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04 September 21

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04 September 21

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'Governor Greg Abbott summarized the new dress code, which bars women from wearing skirts above the knee, sleeveless blouses, and most varieties of pants.' (photo: Getty Images)
Andy Borowitz | Texas Republicans Back Statewide Dress Code for Women
Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker
Borowitz writes: "A new bill moving swiftly through the Republican-controlled Texas legislature would institute a strict statewide dress code for women."
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Texas Created a Blueprint for Abortion Restrictions. Republican-Controlled States May Follow Suit.'GOP officials in at least seven states, including Arkansas, Florida, South Carolina and South Dakota, have suggested they may review or amend their states' laws to mirror Texas's legislation.' (photo: WP)

Texas Created a Blueprint for Abortion Restrictions. Republican-Controlled States May Follow Suit.
Meryl Kornfield, Caroline Anders and Audra Heinrichs, The Washington Post
Excerpt: "Republican officials in more than a half-dozen states across the country moved this week to replicate Texas's restrictive abortion ban after the Supreme Court declined to step in and stop the law from taking effect."
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Biden Orders Declassification of September 11 Investigation DocumentsPeople participate in a 9/11 memorial event. (photo: ABC)

Biden Orders Declassification of September 11 Investigation Documents
Shannon Pettypiece, NBC News
Pettypiece writes: "President Joe Biden is ordering the widespread declassification of information collected during the U.S. investigation of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks following growing pressure to do so from family members of the victims."
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The Power Is Still Out in New Orleans After Hurricane Ida. We Need Public Control of Our Energy Systems.More than one million people in the region lost power during Hurricane Ida. (photo: AP)

The Power Is Still Out in New Orleans After Hurricane Ida. We Need Public Control of Our Energy Systems.
Thomas M. Hanna, In These Times
Hanna writes: "On Sunday August 29, New Orleans and neighboring areas were hit by Hurricane Ida, one of the strongest storms to make landfall in Louisiana's history."
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Secretive CBP Counterterrorism Teams Interrogated 180,000 US Citizens Over Two-Year PeriodU.S. Customs and Border Protection officers direct vehicles reentering the U.S. from Canada in Detroit on August 9, 2021. (photo: Matthew Hatcher/Getty Images)

Secretive CBP Counterterrorism Teams Interrogated 180,000 US Citizens Over Two-Year Period
Melissa del Bosque, The Intercept
Del Bosque writes: "More than four years have passed since Aaron Gach, a sculptor and installation artist, was detained at San Francisco International Airport. He was interrogated by U.S. border agents, and his cellphone was searched."
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Israeli Soldiers Have Killed 73 Palestinian Children This Year: When Will the Siege of Civilians in Gaza End?Israeli soldiers detaining a Palestinian boy. (photo: Reuters)

Israeli Soldiers Have Killed 73 Palestinian Children This Year: When Will the Siege of Civilians in Gaza End?
Asa Winstanley, Informed Comment
Winstanley writes: "So much for the Israeli army supposedly wanting to 'reduce' the number of Palestinians it shoots."

So much for the Israeli army supposedly wanting to “reduce” the number of Palestinians it shoots. An Israeli soldier shot and killed another Palestinian child in the besieged Gaza Strip on 21 August. Omar Hasan Abu Al-Nil was just 13. The boy succumbed to his wounds last Saturday.

According to eyewitnesses, Omar had been watching — peacefully, it must be said — a protest against the Israeli-led siege of Gaza. An Israeli army sniper calmly and deliberately – acting under the orders of his commanding officer – looked through his gun sight and fired a live round through the boy’s neck. Omar lost consciousness straight away.

His death means that Israeli army killers have now ended the lives of 73 Palestinian children in the West Bank and Gaza Strip this year alone.

“Israeli forces routinely shoot and kill Palestinian children with impunity in circumstances that suggest unlawful and wilful killings,” said Ayed Abu Eqtaish of the human rights group Defence for Children International Palestine. Abu Eqtaish called for accountability “by ending weapons sales and support for Israeli forces.”

The siege of Gaza is a lengthy and ongoing Israeli injustice. Even before it was fully imposed in 2007, Israel had for years decreed military closures of the territory, shutting down its crossing points at will. The siege has resulted in the entirely predictable collapse of the Palestinian economy in Gaza.

It is no wonder that ordinary Palestinians all over the territory have risen up against this strangulating injustice, and are once again marching in peaceful protests against the siege. This, remember, is despite the very real possibility that they could be shot and killed, or suffer life-changing injuries simply for standing up for their legitimate and very basic human and political rights.

More than two million people live in the crowded coastal enclave today, half of them children. Around 80 per cent of the population are refugees and their descendants from inside what is now known as Israel; their home towns and villages are within historic Palestine, which has been occupied since 1948.

Between 1947 and 1949, Zionist militias deliberately and systematically drove out around 800,000 Palestinians. Although they have a legitimate right to return, they have never been allowed to do to, solely because they are not Jews.

Today, the only crossing point that Israel does not have full control over is in the southern Gaza town of Rafah leading to and from Egypt. However, the US-backed military dictatorship which has ruled Egypt since the coup in 2013 is also a willing accomplice in the siege. Another example of Egyptian complicity was witnessed last week.

Palestinians once again protested at the boundary fence on Wednesday 25 August. Israeli soldiers once again fired live ammunition at the demonstrators; their officers had reportedly ordered their troops to behave “more aggressively” towards the Palestinians.

Five of the injured were shot with live ammunition. Journalist Taha Raafat Baker, 32, was hit in the leg by a tear gas canister; another child was among the wounded, said Palestinian human right group Mezan.

Egypt responded to the Israeli attacks on Palestinian protestors by helping the Israeli killers and punishing their Palestinian victims. The regime in Cairo imposed an indefinite closure on the Rafah crossing. The Salah Al-Din goods crossing – where only limited items are permitted to enter Gaza at the best of times – is also closed.

Hundreds of Palestinians are now completely stranded in Egypt. Many are running out of money and have no means to access family support networks; international money transfers to and from Gaza are usually impossible to make.

Yet Egypt is only one component of the international conspiracy against the civilian population of the Gaza Strip. As Tamara Nassar, my colleague at The Electronic Intifada has noted, the UN and Qatar are also colluding in the siege. Both have agreed to implement a programme which gives Israel a veto over the list of those Palestinians who will and will not be given food aid.

This is collective punishment, yet another of Israel’s many war crimes. How many more will it be allowed to commit with impunity before the siege of Gaza is brought to an end? This must happen unconditionally and without delay.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor or Informed Comment.

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Millions of Americans Don't Have Drinkable Water. Can the Infrastructure Bill Fix That?Many cities are navigating declining water infrastructure. (photo: John Walker/The Fresno Bee)

Millions of Americans Don't Have Drinkable Water. Can the Infrastructure Bill Fix That?
Li Zhou, Vox
Zhou writes: "Laurie Bertram Roberts has been drinking bottled water for years. Often, the tap water where she lives is questionable, she says. And sometimes, it's straight-up brown."

Simply allocating more money won’t necessarily solve the problem.

Laurie Bertram Roberts has been drinking bottled water for years.

Often, the tap water where she lives is questionable, she says. And sometimes, it’s straight-up brown.

A longtime resident of Jackson, Mississippi, Bertram Roberts has dealt with the city’s water issues since she was a college student. In her time there, century-old pipes in Jackson have meant numerous water main breaks, recurring boil water notices, and constant anxiety about water quality for many of its residents.

To cope, Bertram Roberts and her family rely on 5-gallon jugs of bottled water for drinking and cooking, and filtered water for showers and baths.

“I’ve lost track of the number of boil water notices we’ve had,” says Bertram Roberts, executive director of the Yellowhammer Fund, an abortion rights group.

Jackson’s problems — which have long affected the southern and western parts of the city — came to a head this past winter when an unexpected cold snap caused pipes to freeze and burst, leaving roughly 40,000 residents without any water for more than two weeks. In the interim, residents used disinfectant to wash their dishes, snow to flush their toilets, and baby wipes to keep themselves clean. Local organizers, meanwhile, rallied to bring in pallets of bottled water, which frequently sold out in nearby stores.

“It was crazy,” says Morris Mock, a board member for the grassroots organization Mississippi Rising Coalition. “You had mud, [or] whatever gunk, coming out of the faucets.”

Jackson, a majority-Black city, is among a number of places across the country struggling with aging infrastructure and water access, problems which have had a disproportionate impact on communities of color. As the Christian Science Monitor reported, a 2019 report by the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) found that “drinking water systems that constantly violated federal safety standards were 40% more likely to occur in places with higher percentages of residents of color.”

Now city officials are pinning their hopes on Congress’s infrastructure plan. The $1 trillion bipartisan proposal, which passed the Senate on August 10 and is waiting on a vote in the House, includes about $48 billion in new spending for drinking water and wastewater projects. It wouldn’t necessarily solve all the city’s challenges — Jackson Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba estimates that repairs and maintenance could cost as much as $2 billion — but it could provide a boost that’s been needed for years.

Whether the money has that effect, however, will depend heavily on if the funding in the bill actually winds up making it to the city.

Jackson’s water infrastructure is simply too old

Many cities are navigating declining water infrastructure, from pipes in Atlanta that haven’t been replaced for decades to lead service lines in Chicago leeching contaminants into the water.

Jackson’s recent water outage, while it marks one of the most extreme and high-profile failures of the US’s water systems, is indicative of this broader problem. The February shutdown — which lasted nearly a month for some residents — was the longest the city has ever seen, but it followed similar lapses in 1989, 1994, 2010, 2014 and 2018.

Much like other places, the issue Jackson’s facing has long been the same: Its infrastructure is simply too old.

“In some areas, we’ve got 100-year pipes,” says Charles Williams, former head of the Jackson Public Works Department. “They’ve been in the ground for a very long time, and we’ve been patching the system due to lack of availability of funds.”

As a result, issues like water main breaks have become more common, contributing to stoppages in service and cracks that make it easier for contaminants to get into the water. Williams estimates that in the past year alone, there have been more than 100 water main breaks.

Equipment at the city’s water treatment facilities — including machines at the O.B. Curtis Water Treatment Plant, which froze during February’s winter storm — are old too, causing further delays in making sure the water is clean and drinkable. Much of this equipment hasn’t been properly weatherized either, so it’s especially vulnerable during cold snaps.

“If you don’t make the critical upgrades and the desired maintenance, it’s going to break,” Williams says.

While the EPA has deemed Jackson’s water safe to drink as long as there isn’t a boil water notice, it’s also called for major repairs at its treatment facilities in order to better address potential contaminants. In 2015, annual water reports showed that lead levels in the city’s water were nearly 50 percent higher than the acceptable standard, the Clarion Ledger reported. Government analyses in June 2016 also found that more than a fifth of Jackson homes had water that exceeded the federal government’s “action” lead level, according to the Guardian.

Earlier this year, city officials laid out a plan for increasing staffing at treatment plants and fixing machines there. The estimated costs include $70 million to address maintenance at two treatment plants and $100 million to repair the distribution system — though Williams notes that the full price tag of a water overhaul is likely to be much higher. (Lumumba’s $2 billion estimate for complete repairs to Jackson’s water and wastewater systems easily dwarfs the city’s annual $300 million budget.)

One reason the city hasn’t been able to fix its water issues is that it just hasn’t had the funds to do so. Over time, the city has seen its population and tax base decrease, significantly reducing its revenues for utilities and other services, as the Christian Science Monitor explained:

As in other metro areas nationwide, school integration led to white flight, and in later decades other factors including rising crime rates fueled a further exodus to the suburbs among Jackson’s white and Black middle class alike.

With them, too, went a large portion of a tax base that Mississippi’s largest city has historically depended upon.

Federal funding for water infrastructure has also sharply dipped since the 1970s, forcing states and localities to try to cover these gaps. (According to the US Water Alliance, federal funding accounted for 63 percent of capital spending on water infrastructure in 1977, a number that’s since dwindled to less than 10 percent.)

To raise more infrastructure funds, Jackson previously instituted a 1 percent hike to its sales tax in 2014, which brings in roughly $14 million a year. It also received $47 million as part of the American Rescue Plan earlier in 2021, some of which is being allocated to water-related repairs. And state lawmakers granted Jackson $3 million in funding for water plant fixes.

These measures still aren’t enough to solve Jackson’s water problems, though. And given the funding shortages it’s experienced, the city has focused on using its limited water budget to stem the damage rather than fixing it wholesale.

More federal funding could be significant in helping the city address the overwhelming expenses it still has, if it’s properly targeted. ”This kind of package from the federal government is truly our only hope,” Jackson City Council President Virgi Lindsay said recently.

The infrastructure bill may not be targeted enough to be effective

Getting much-needed funding to Jackson will depend on how Mississippi ultimately chooses to dole out its infrastructure money.

The EPA manages two programs to send federal dollars to states to help fix their water systems: the Drinking Water State Revolving Fund and the Clean Water State Revolving Fund. But the amount they typically parcel out is small compared to the scope of needs in a city like Jackson. Under the Senate-passed infrastructure plan, much of the federal money for water systems would flow through those programs, which are administered by the states, rather than going directly to cities and municipalities in need.

In 2021, the federal government sent $1.1 billion to states via the Drinking Water State Revolving Fund (DWSRF) and an additional $1.6 billion via the Clean Water State Revolving Fund (CWSRF). Mississippi received about $26 million of those funds, which it is distributing to local governments in the form of loans and grants. (Because of how the state revolving funds are set up, they also include more money than the annual federal allocations places receive. In total, Mississippi’s drinking water fund has roughly $37 million to distribute in 2021, for instance.)

According to the Associated Press, “Jackson has received almost $20 million over the past four years and is seeking an additional $27 million [in 2021]” from the DWSRF.

In the past, residents and organizers have raised concerns about whether Jackson’s water needs were getting adequate attention from the state government: During February’s water crisis, Mississippi officials moved slowly to submit a disaster declaration or offer additional aid to the majority-Black city.

And while Jackson received $47 million in federal stimulus funds from the American Rescue Plan, the state approved only $3 million of another $47 million in funding that the city had asked for to recover from its water emergency, a situation that has led some residents and activists to question if racial bias has been playing a role in some officials’ treatment of the city. Previously, the state legislature sunk another proposal for a sales tax increase to raise more infrastructure funds as well.

“If it was a majority-white city of the same size, I don’t think people would have drug their feet to come help,” Bertram Roberts says. The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Mississippi Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann has pointed to how much federal money the city was poised to receive when discussing the state’s decision to allocate just $3 million earlier this year.

Money from the DWSRF and CWSRF, meanwhile, is separate from the support Jackson got from the state and federal governments following its water emergency, and it’s allocated through state agencies.

According to data from the EPA’s Project Benefits Reporting System, which was shared with Vox by the Environmental Policy Innovation Center’s Katy Hansen, Jackson received about $20.2 million of $253.9 million in funds allocated via the DWSRF between 2010 and 2020, roughly 8 percent of the total pot of money. Jackson’s 170,000 residents also make up roughly 6 percent of the state’s total population of 3 million, though factors other than a city’s size, such as a place’s reliance on low-cost financing, contribute to need for these funds. (Data from the Mississippi Department of Health also showed that the initial loan awards for the city were $23.8 million between 2010-2020, in addition to an emergency loan it received of $467,000.)

Whether the money in the infrastructure bill will effectively be distributed to places in need like Jackson is an open question. Jim Craig, Mississippi’s Director of Health Protection, noted that state legislation would end up determining how the process would work, and added that officials have approved past loans to the city that have exceeded the $5 million maximum loan amount that had been set for the program.

report from the Environmental Policy Innovation Center (EPIC) co-authored by Hansen, a senior water adviser at EPIC, previously looked at 10 states’ allocation of DWSRF money and found that several states struggled to deliver this aid equitably: Smaller localities and places with a higher proportion of people of color have historically received less money from the program both because they had less resources to pursue this funding and because much of it was dispensed as loans instead of grants. The study did not include Mississippi, though Sri Vedachalam, EPIC’s director of water, noted that the dynamics of the report were likely to be relatively consistent across states.

“We see this pattern where money is given to certain types of communities while others struggle to secure that type of money,” says Vedachalam. Because states have significant control over where these funds go, the boost the bill provides doesn’t necessarily guarantee that Jackson would receive sufficient extra money.

How the infrastructure bill could help

The bipartisan infrastructure plan includes about $48 billion in new funds for water-related repairs. As detailed by the US Water Alliance, there is $11.7 billion allocated to the Drinking Water State Revolving Fund over five years, $11.7 billion allocated to the Clean Water State Revolving Fund over five years, and $15 billion allocated to addressing lead service lines over five years that will be distributed via the Drinking Water Fund. There’s also an additional $10 billion total that focuses on emerging contaminants.

In all, Mississippi is expected to receive $429 million over five years for water infrastructure were Congress’s legislation to become law, the Clarion Ledger reported.

Although the federal government still gives states significant leeway to determine how Drinking Water Funds and Clean Water Funds are targeted, there are some provisions in the legislation that make it more accessible for “disadvantaged communities,” which are classified in Mississippi as having lower median income.

Nearly half of the funding for the Drinking Water Fund and the Clean Water Fund will be available as grants, which could mean that this money is more accessible to localities that can’t take on loans, including lower-income cities, for example. In the new bill, 49 percent of the new funds in both are available as principal forgiveness loans or grants. Additionally, the bipartisan bill would require that a larger proportion of the funding in the Drinking Water Fund be directed to disadvantaged communities.

The amount of money in the bill — which includes more than $2 billion in spending on both the Clean Water and Drinking Water Funds each year, with an additional $3 billion focused on lead service lines annually — is huge, but far from enough to meet the enormity of the problem.

For replacement of lead service lines alone, for example, the NRDC estimates that costs could be as much as $45 billion, so the $15 billion in the bill only begins to address that problem. For water infrastructure more broadly, the costs are also expected to be quite a bit higher than the roughly $48 billion in new funds included in the bill, notes Scott Berry, director of policy and government affairs at the US Water Alliance.

States also still have pretty broad discretion in determining which projects to prioritize. For now, while Mississippi prioritizes projects on an array of criteria including compliance with drinking water regulations and a cost/benefit analysis, there’s relatively wide latitude in what that could entail. This prioritization, depending on how it’s applied, could leave Jackson without the funding it requires, with state officials instead directing federal funds to other water projects in the state.

Still, this would be one of the largest federal investments in water infrastructure in decades, and what policy experts see as a vital “down payment” on needed repairs.

“It is one of, if not the single largest investment in water infrastructure in 50 years,” Berry tells Vox. “That’s not nothing. Will it solve all of the country’s water infrastructure problems? Emphatically no.”

The costs of failing to address America’s water struggles

The consequences of failing to address this problem are dire.

Without access to clean water, Jackson residents are forced to seek out alternative water sources, while continuing to pay sometimes exorbitant water bills. It also means people are deprived of a resource that’s fundamental to their daily lives, a stark reality in a developed country like the US.

“It was definitely shocking to know that we didn’t have clean drinking water to cook with, to just take care of our families,” said Cassandra Welchlin, head of Mississippi’s Black Women’s Roundtable, of Jackson’s February water stoppage.

And even when access to water is secure, there’s a different set of worries that people encounter when drinking contaminated water. Lead in drinking water can lead to high blood pressure, brain damage, and kidney problems, for example. Multiple studies have found that the health care risks posed by lead contaminants may have serious effects for children’s growth and reproductive health as well.

According to the NRDC, as many as 20 million people are likely getting some of their water from lead pipes, along with others who are sourcing their water via very old equipment.

In 2016, Pittsburgh detected high levels of lead in its water, spurring the city to begin replacing the thousands of lead service lines it still has. In 2021, New Orleans is still grappling with aging infrastructure and repairs to a water treatment facility that opened more than 100 years ago. In 2019, Newark also found elevated lead levels in its drinking water, pushing the city to replace its pipes with new copper ones.

Across the country, the scale of the issue is alarming: Per a report from the US Water Alliance, there are still 2 million people in the United States who don’t have access to clean running water at all, a problem that disproportionately affects “low-income people in rural areas, people of color, tribal communities, [and] immigrants.” A 2018 study led by UC Irvine water economist Maura Allaire also found that “in any given year from 1982 to 2015, somewhere between 9 million and 45 million Americans got their drinking water from a source that was in violation of the Safe Drinking Water Act,” Science reported.

The bipartisan infrastructure bill has the potential to funnel much-needed funds across the country, but precise implementation will be critical to ensure that different localities really benefit.

“I am hopeful that the federal infrastructure funding will address our needs. It absolutely has to,” says Welchlin. “We can’t afford to have another water crisis.”


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Saturday, September 4, 2021

RSN: Joe Manchin's Dirty Empire

 


 

Reader Supported News
03 September 21

Live on the homepage now!
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Sen. Joe Manchin, a Democrat from West Virginia, speaks to members of the media at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., July 28, 2021. (photo: Stefani Reynolds/Getty)
Joe Manchin's Dirty Empire
Daniel Boguslaw, The Intercept
Boguslaw writes: "Manchin has long argued that the environmental costs of coal extraction pale in comparison to the economic toll that regulation would bear out on Appalachia."

In the early hours of August 11, the Senate voted to approve a $3.5 trillion budget resolution that would mark the nation’s most significant investment in the fight against climate change ever undertaken in the United States. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., cast the tie-breaking vote.

The resolution’s approval kicked off a legislative process likely to last months, all of it hinging on Manchin’s continued support. Not long after casting his vote, he issued a public statement warning the bill’s backers not to take him for granted.

“Adding trillions of dollars more to nearly $29 trillion of national debt, without any consideration of the negative effects on our children and grandchildren, is one of those decisions that has become far too easy in Washington,” Manchin said. The month prior, he had specified that some of the climate-related provisions were “very, very disturbing.”

“If you’re sticking your head in the sand, and saying that fossil [fuel] has to be eliminated in America, and they want to get rid of it, and thinking that’s going to clean up the global climate, it won’t clean it up all,” Manchin told CNN after a private meeting with President Joe Biden and his fellow Senate Democrats. “If anything, it would be worse.”

Manchin’s claim that climate pollution would be worsened by the elimination of fossil fuels — or by the resolution’s actual, more incremental climate provisions — is highly dubious, if not outright false. What would unquestionably be impacted, however, is Manchin’s own personal wealth.

Though Manchin’s motivations are often ascribed to the conservative, coal-friendly politics of West Virginia, it is also the case that the state’s senior senator is heavily invested in the industry — and owes much of his considerable fortune to it.

For decades, Manchin has profited from a series of coal companies that he founded during the 1980s. His son, Joe Manchin IV, has since assumed leadership roles in the firms, and the senator says his ownership is held in a blind trust. Yet between the time he joined the Senate and today, Manchin has personally grossed more than $4.5 million from those firms, according to financial disclosures. He also holds stock options in Enersystems Inc., the larger of the two firms, valued between $1 and $5 million.

Those two companies, Enersystems Inc. and Farmington Resources Inc., the latter of which was created by the rapid merging of two other firms, Manchin’s Transcon and Farmington Energy in 2005. Enersystems purchases low-quality waste coal from mines and resells it to power plants as fuel, while Farmington Resources provides “support activities for mining” and holds coal reserves in the Fairmont area. Over the decades, whether feeding tens of thousands of tons of dirty waste coal into the power plants in northern West Virginia or subjecting workers to unsafe conditions, Manchin’s family coal business has almost entirely avoided public scrutiny.

Manchin did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

In 1987, the man who is now the senior senator from West Virginia chose his hometown as the fulcrum for his enterprise. He and his brothers centered their business dealings near Farmington, where their grandfather served as mayor, and established headquarters for Enersystems and Farmington Resources in the nearby city of Fairmont, on the banks of the Monongahela River. Manchin’s brokerage firm has failed to attract the same attention as the scalped mountains and blackened tap water in the southeast region of the state, where mountaintop removal mining has radically altered the once pristine landscape. But in the northern political enclave of Marion County, Manchin’s businesses are fueling environmental degradation and impacting public health with severe consequences.

Farmington is surrounded by some of West Virginia’s oldest mines, dirtiest power plants, and sprawling coal ash dumping grounds. Through these operations Manchin receives hundreds of thousands of dollars in revenue every year.

For the first time, a Type Investigations and Intercept analysis of public records reveals the impact of Manchin’s coal firms. For decades, they have relied on mines and refuse piles cited for dozens of Mine Safety and Health Agency violations, multiple deaths, and wastewater discharging that has poisoned tributaries feeding into the Monongahela River, as hundreds of thousands of tons of carcinogenic coal ash are dumped across Marion County.

While Manchin does not own the mines, refuse piles, and power plants that have polluted Marion County, he continues to reap their financial rewards. In tracing the life cycle of Manchin’s coal, from its origin at refuse sites, to the looming plants it powers, down into the water and soil of northern West Virginia, the steep and complex cost of Manchin’s empire begins to take shape.

Deadly Work

Outside Fairmont in Barrackville, West Virginia, the Barrackville mine lies buried in the ridge rising over an outcropping of abandoned buildings in what was once the town’s bustling mining camp. In 1925, 33 miners lost their lives to a gas explosion in a mine that once supplied coal to the forges of Bethlehem Steel. As of 2019, when the latest comprehensive data was released by the Energy Information Administration, the refuse piles of low-quality coal those miners left behind serve as the second-largest coal source for Manchin’s Enersystems. (The firm moves less coal than the giants of the industry but still sold well over half a million tons from the site between 2008 and 2019.) The dangers of the Barrackville mine didn’t end with the 1925 explosion. Since 2000, the Barrackville site has been cited for five accidents and one death, when a heavy machinery operator was crushed by a bulldozer.

Over the past two decades, the Barrackville refuse pile was cited and fined for more than 30 safety violations by the Mine Safety and Health Administration, or MSHA. The charges include unsafe equipment, unsafe material storage, dangerous lack of lighting, unsafe brakes, failure to adequately inspect electrical equipment, failure to maintain automatic warning devices, unsafe vehicle storage, failure to complete daily safety inspections, failure to mark hazardous chemicals, failure to maintain miner training records, and failure to adequately train miners.

North of Barrackville, on the banks of the Monongahela River, is Enersystems’ largest supplier of waste coal as of 2019, the Humphrey No.7 mine, where over 40 safety violations have been recorded with the MSHA since 2000. These include failure to file adequate reports on coal slurry impoundments, failure to safely control dust, failure to adequately train new miners, failure to maintain adequate vehicle breaks, failure to correct equipment defects, failure to safely maintain power lines, failure to safely store loose hazardous material, failure to maintain adequate firefighting equipment, and failure to properly maintain flammable liquids storage. The mine has also seen two fatalities, the first when a worker died after falling from a coal barge, the second when a worker was crushed to death by a coal car.

“It’s backbreaking, and we always say that even if you survived it, you didn’t survive it,” said Terry Steele, a retired UMWA coal miner in West Virginia. “If you worked anytime underground, and your back is messed up, then the dust got you when you quit.”

Steele said that he voted for Manchin on only one occasion, thanks to the senator’s efforts to secure and stabilize miners’ pensions. Now he’s lobbying Manchin to finally act on easing miners’ access to the federal black lung fund, which was set up to compensate those suffering from pneumoconiosis. Manchin has advanced legislation that begins to address barriers facing black lung claimants, but for many, the bill doesn’t go far enough to ease access to the fund.

While the mining industry is notoriously dangerous, these hazards are not inevitable. Davitt McAteer, assistant secretary of the MSHA under President Bill Clinton and a former mine disaster investigator, told Type and The Intercept that mine safety violations exist on a spectrum. “You can minimize the risk, you can marginalize the risks, and you can protect people,” he said.

McAteer also noted that it should be possible to operate a mine without death and injury. “There are companies that operate [mines] safely without fatal accidents. It can be done, and that holds true with any kind of mine, but you have to spend the time and money to make it happen that way.”

Manchin is no stranger to the consequences of sloppy mine safety. His uncle was killed along with 77 others in the 1968 Farmington Mine disaster — one of the worst mining accidents in U.S. history — mining the same coal seam in Farmington that feeds the Barrackville site. In January, Manchin released a statement on the 15th anniversary of the Sago Mine disaster that took the lives of 12 miners who were killed after a blast trapped them in an Upshur County mine.

“The Sago disaster anniversary reminds us that coal miners risk their lives every day to power our nation, and we must prioritize their health, safety, and security,” Manchin said. “I will continue to fight to make sure no family suffers this terrible loss ever again.”

Toxic Pollution

The workers endangered on the job at coal sites represent a fraction of the population impacted by the coal fields and power plants that prop up Manchin’s business. While racking up workplace safety violations, Enersystems’ two largest suppliers of coal have discharged significant amounts of toxic material into local waterways. Type Investigations and The Intercept found that Enersystems sold coal from mines that not only violated the Clean Water Act but also served as dumping grounds for carcinogenic coal ash. Enersystems has also sold coal to an energy producer pumping acid mine drainage into the mine system running below the greater Fairmont area.

The Barrackville mine was cited by the Environmental Protection Agency in 2018 and 2019 for failure to file quarterly reports on the effluents discharged during the process of coal extraction. When the mine did file in 2020, it reported levels of the toxic heavy metal manganese exceeding Clean Water Act limits by over 600 percent. Excess exposure to manganese has been linked to neurological and fertility impairments and infant deaths. The Buffalo Creek into which the Barrackville mine discharges is listed by the EPA as impaired by over a dozen different heavy metals.

In 2009, the Humphrey No. 7 mine pumped wastewater into a toxic holding pool, where it was then released into Dunkard Creek. The creek feeds into the Monongahela River, where the waste pool discharge helped eliminate almost all life in a 40-mile stretch of river. After the incident, the owner of the mines paid out a multimillion-dollar settlement for Clean Water Act violations.

Michael Hendryx, a professor of environmental and occupational health at Indiana University, told Type and The Intercept that often the water pumped out of simplistic coal wastewater treatment facilities isn’t meaningfully treated.

“They’re these really modest water treatment facilities, and they basically remove the visible sediment and heavy metals and bacterial counts. But they might not be so good at removing organics and difficult-to-remove chemicals like coal cleaning formulas, which are hard to test for because they’re proprietary to the coal producers,” Hendryx said. “You see organics, and other types of chemical compounds like ammonium, and I don’t have a lot of confidence that these publicly treated facilities are doing a great job.”

In a 2010 study, Hendryx showed that coal mining was significantly associated with pollution of waterways and increased cancer mortality in West Virginia. And in a 2016 study, he found that violations for drinking water standards were much higher in coal mining areas in West Virginia.

These extraction sites are not the only polluters in the constellation of businesses that enable Enersystems to return six figure profits. Enersystems’ coal has fueled power plants in northern West Virginia that are major producers of carbon dioxide, sulfur dioxide, and fine particulate matter. At the Grant Town Power Plant, north of Fairmont, health impact reports produced by the EPA and analyzed by the advocacy group Clean Air Task Force estimate that emissions are associated with 18 annual deaths, 169 annual asthma attacks, and eight annual heart attacks. The group also estimated that 2019 monetized health damages from fine particle accumulation produced by the Grant Town Power Plant amount to $196,675,021. Grant Town was the sole recipient of all the coal sold by Enersystems to power plants, according to reports by the U.S. Energy Information Agency and the Public Service Commission of West Virginia between 2008 and 2019.

Public Service Commission of West Virginia coal reports also show that between 2000 and 2004, Enersystems brokered more than 70,000 tons of coal to the Harrison Power Station in Haywood, West Virginia. Fifteen years after the 2004 sales, the same Clean Air Task Force analysis put the 2019 health impact of the Harrison plant at 122 annual deaths, 29 emergency room visits, 49 heart attacks, 65 cases of acute bronchitis, and 1,243 asthma attacks from plant emissions. The cumulative financial health damages is estimated at $1,317,929,058.

The kind of waste coal mined from sites like Humphrey No. 7 and the Barrackville pile have become a cause célèbre for the fossil fuel industry. Industry lobbyists argue that the burning of waste coal helps to reclaim mines by removing waste piles that can leach toxins into the groundwater. In 2010, while serving as governor, Manchin codified this view by overseeing legislation to designate waste coal as an alternative energy source in the Alternative and Renewable Energy Portfolio Act. This practice not only spews tens of thousands of tons of carbon dioxide and sulfur dioxide into the atmosphere, but the combustion chambers also produce a solid, nonaerosolized byproduct: coal ash. In the case of the Grant Town plant, the ash is trucked back to mines across Marion County, including Barrackville, for disposal.

Some studies suggest that the alkaline nature of some kinds of coal ash neutralizes acid mine drainage, a pollutant formed by the reaction of water and oxygen with both above-ground coal refuse and the exposed metals left exposed in abandoned mines. But coal ash can also contain toxic heavy metals that can poison groundwater, further destabilizing West Virginia’s ecosystem. Avner Vengosh, a professor of environmental quality at Duke University who studies the impact of coal ash on the environment, told Type and The Intercept that without precise monitoring and analysis, there is no guarantee that coal ash actually reduces contamination. It may in fact introduce new contaminants into the environment and groundwater.

“A company needs to demonstrate that this practice is successful and that over the long term, the practice is beneficial rather than harming the environment,” Vengosh said. “It all depends on the relationship, the volume, and mass of the acid mine drainage. It’s really important to examine that relationship long term, because in the beginning often it looks great, but then there can be very quickly a breakthrough where fly ash becomes the primary source of contaminants.”

Manchin has been one of coal ash’s most vocal supporters in Congress. In 2016, he sponsored and secured legislation to ease states’ abilities to deregulate the toxic coal byproduct. In a 2016 press release heralding the bill’s passage, he wrote, “The overregulation of coal ash by the EPA would threaten vital industries and unnecessarily cost West Virginia and the nation more jobs.” The Grant Town plant could have been one such casualty: Subject to long-standing financial precarity, the plant would likely be unable to maintain its business without the option for cheap and unrestricted ash dumping.

According to West Virginia Public Service Commission documents, between 2001 and 2017 the Grant Town plant disposed of 9,422 tons of coal combustion residue, or CCR, per acre at the Barrackville mine site; 108,922 tons per acre in Idamay, an unincorporated town just south of Farmington; 63,919 tons per acre in Grant Town; 3,154 tons per acre at the Wilson site located between Grant Town and Barrackville; and 37,085 tons per acre at the Ralph Six site in Grant Town.

Public Service Commission of West Virginia documents also show that Enersystems operated and maintained refuse sites for American Bituminous Power Partners, or AmBit — the owner of the Grant Town power plant — at Barrackville and Farmington at least up until 2017. Marion County Clerk records further tie Manchin to the sites by showing that Manchin’s company Transcon — later merged into Farmington Resources — leased coal reserves in Barrackville and Farmington to AmBit on a 35-year lease beginning in 1993. (Ambit did not respond to multiple requests to comment for this story.)

In addition to placing what AmBit claims is beneficial coal ash into the Idamay mine site, the company has also been injecting acid mine drainage just outside Farmington. According to documents from a 2021 dispute between the energy company and a neighboring firm, Murray American Energy Inc, AmBit has been pumping coal waste into an underground mine pool complex. From there, it flows beneath the greater Fairmont area.

“Everything Is Destroyed”

Manchin’s advocacy for relaxing environmental regulations on the coal industry extends well beyond coal ash. In at least one instance, that advocacy was linked to the interests of the Edison Electric Institute, or EEI, an energy producer trade group tied directly to Manchin coal, as Sludge reported in July.

In 2012, Manchin was one of the loudest voices opposing the Obama-era EPA rules limiting mercury and aerosolized acid emissions from power plants like Grant Town, which supplies power to an EEI member. “The EPA needs to be our ally, not our adversary, and work with states like West Virginia that can produce domestic resources to make this country less dependent on foreign energy and more secure as a nation,” Manchin wrote at the time.

In 2019, when the Trump EPA had set in motion a plan to scrap those very same emissions standards for coal-fired power plants, Manchin changed his tune, following the EEI’s lead in condemning the change. Joining a coalition of senators opposing the rule, he wrote that “Mercury is a deadly toxin that harms the development of fetuses and children. … It makes no sense to take any action that could lead to the weakening of mercury emission standards.”

As Bloomberg Law then reported, rolling back the environmental regulations could have knocked down the rates power stations could charge to consumers, because coal plants had factored the costs of expensive mercury scrubbing technology into their energy prices. But while mercury-scrubbing technology removes mercury, it also relies on another toxic chemical, bromide, to bind and remove the heavy metal. Bromide comes with its own health and environmental hazards.

“Because coal is the major source of mercury emissions in the world, every time you eat sushi and are exposed to mercury, that’s thanks to coal,” Vengosh explained. In order to reduce these mercury emissions, emitters began using bromide to bind mercury and keep it from aerosolizing. In doing so they began introducing a new dangerous chemical into the environment. “Waterways are becoming enriched in bromide, and when this water is treated with chlorination, that triggers the formation of a disinfection byproduct [haloacetic acids], and that goes straight into drinking water. So now we have a generation of toxic byproducts going straight into our veins.”

Grant Town drinking water was found to have levels of haloacetic acids exceeding EPA limits, and the city of Fairmont’s water department, the largest town abutting Farmington, has also seen spikes in the carcinogenic disinfection byproduct.

“The land is destroyed and the people who live around it,” Steele, the miner, said. “The water is destroyed. Everything is destroyed, and they do that because we allow them to do it. We are the ones who elect these politicians who are owned by coal whores. And they say for 80 years Democrats were in control, but true Democrats were never really in control. These guys were controlled by coal companies, and they just happened to have a D after their name.”

Manchin has long argued that the environmental costs of coal extraction pale in comparison to the economic toll that regulation would bear out on Appalachia. But this long-held conventional wisdom may be starting to waver.

Aryanna Islam was the Senate page Manchin selected to serve in Washington, D.C., in 2017, and a former candidate for the West Virginia House of Delegates in 2020. She’s seen economic decline all around her, which is what prompted her to run for state office under the West Virginia Can’t Wait slate last year. But she’s skeptical that further investment in the fossil fuel industry can solve the job loss that has decimated West Virginia.

“By 2021, coal has declined a lot. We don’t really have a big industry around Fairmont; a lot of people work fast food jobs or at Walmart or at state government jobs,” said Islam, herself a former KFC cashier in Fairmont. “I think it’s wrong that Manchin is profiting off coal, and I think it will hurt people way after he’s in office. I think he could use his power and influence for better things, for pushing renewables and giving us something to have for the next hundred years. I think the most frustrating thing is that he understands where the industry stands but he’s not using his power for good. I wish he would.”

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Trump Tower's Key Tenants Have Fallen Behind on Rent and Moved Out. But Trump Has One Reliable Customer: His Own PAC.Trump Tower on Fifth Avenue in New York City, June 22, 2020. (photo: Timothy A. Clary/Getty)

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Will Be Struck Down?


Trump Tower's Key Tenants Have Fallen Behind on Rent and Moved Out. But Trump Has One Reliable Customer: His Own PAC.
Shayna Jacobs, David A. Fahrenthold, Jonathan O'Connell and Josh Dawsey, The Washington Post
Excerpt: "Inside Trump Tower, swank suit-maker Marcraft Clothes once rented the entire 18th floor, outfitting its offices with fireplaces, mahogany-lined closets and two bars for schmoozing customers."

Inside Trump Tower, swank suit-maker Marcraft Clothes once rented the entire 18th floor, outfitting its offices with fireplaces, mahogany-lined closets and two bars for schmoozing customers.

But then Marcraft fell $664,000 behind on rent and went out of business last year — its assets having dwindled to $40.75 in a checking account and “1,200 damaged coats,” according to court filings.

One floor up, a business school once led by Kardashian family matriarch Kris Jenner was consumed by lawsuits, falling $198,000 behind on payments to Trump Tower by October 2020, according to court papers. And on the 21st and 22nd floors, the company that made Ivanka Trump shoes racked up $1.5 million in unpaid rent, according to a lawsuit that the Trump Organization filed this year.

But through all that — as Trump Tower has dealt with imploding tenants, political backlash and a broader, pandemic-related slump in Manhattan office leasing since last year — it has been able to count on one reliable, high-paying tenant: former president Donald Trump’s own political operation.

Starting in March, one of his committees, Make America Great Again PAC, paid $37,541.67 per month to rent office space on the 15th floor of Trump Tower — a space previously rented by his campaign — according to campaign-finance filings and a person familiar with the political action committee.

This may not be the most efficient use of donors’ money: The person familiar with Trump’s PAC said that its staffers do not regularly use the office space. Also, for several months, Trump’s PAC paid the Trump Organization $3,000 per month to rent a retail kiosk in the tower’s lobby — even though the lobby was closed.

Campaign-finance experts said the payments do not appear to be illegal. This kind of PAC has very few restrictions and no expiration date, so Trump is free to spend its money at his own properties as long as he wants.

But they said Trump is continuing a practice that was a hallmark of his presidency by exploiting loose regulations — and his own supporters’ trust — to convert political donations into private revenue for himself.

“He’s running a con,” said Paul S. Ryan, a campaign-finance expert at the watchdog group Common Cause. “Talking about political expenses — but, in reality, raising money for self-enrichment.”

The Trump Organization did not respond to questions. A spokeswoman for Trump’s political operation, Liz Harrington, defended the spending.

“We are paying market rate for leased office space used to help President Trump build a financial juggernaut to help elect America First conservatives and flip both the House and Senate to the Republicans in the midterm elections,” Harrington said.

Harrington said that the PAC had also paid for the lobby kiosk for several months, even though the lobby was closed, because it had inherited the kiosk from Trump’s 2020 campaign and “all of the campaign merchandise was still in the space.” Harrington said officials expected the lobby to reopen, but — when it remained closed — the PAC stopped paying. The last payment was made in early May.

Trump Tower, a 58-story glass tower on Fifth Avenue, served for years as Trump’s primary home, the headquarters of his business and a kind of physical avatar of his success. Its was the set for TV’s “The Apprentice,” and the backdrop for Trump’s announcement of his 2016 presidential campaign.

But, in its midsection, Trump Tower is something more prosaic: a Manhattan office building, with 12 floors available for lease. The Trump Organization’s headquarters occupies two other office floors.

The leased floors serve as part of the collateral for one of Trump’s biggest outstanding debts, a $100 million loan with the full amount due next year, according to data kept by the real estate analysis firm Trepp. Trump still owns his businesses, including this one, but says that his sons Eric and Donald Trump Jr. manage them day-to-day.

To assess the financial health of Trump Tower — and the importance of the revenue it receives from Trump’s own PAC — The Washington Post examined filings with New York taxing authorities, as well as loan documents, campaign-finance records and lawsuits involving Trump Tower tenants.

In the years before he became president, Trump reported to New York City that the tower’s office spaces produced income of between $8 million and $11 million per year in rent. Those filings were obtained by The Post after a public-records request.

The most recent filing that the city provided to The Post covered 2017. The Post could not find detailed figures on rental income from the office spaces after that.

But it is clear that some of Trump’s customers have recently fallen into turmoil, and at times ended up behind on their rent.

One was Marcraft, a clothing-maker that offered $1,400 Trump-branded suits in the heyday of “The Apprentice.” Its 18th-floor suite included a golden Buddha in the elevator lobby and a bar decorated with “a colorful light display for after-hour cocktail parties,” according to an archived news release from its architects. It was luxe enough that the New York Times wrote about it in 2006.

Potential customers “look at it with the feeling, ‘You are cool, this is interesting,’ ” a Marcraft executive told the Times.

But Marcraft fell on hard times. Last year, it entered insolvency proceedings in a New Jersey — a kind of state-court version of bankruptcy — saying in court filings that it had more than $30 million in debts, including $664,000 in unpaid rent at Trump Tower.

“It was, for lack of a better word, a carcass,” said Morris Bauer, a New Jersey attorney whom the company assigned to take over its meager assets and deal with its creditors. Bauer said he wasn’t sure what happened to the Trump Tower suite, but he knew Marcraft had vacated it.

The company, Bauer said, “exists in name, but it’s not operating.”

One floor up from Marcraft, on Trump Tower’s 19th floor, are the offices of the Legacy Business School, which once boasted Kris Jenner as its chairwoman. (She reportedly resigned a few months after the school opened in 2016.) The school is expensive — its $70,000 annual tuition is $19,000 higher than Harvard University’s.

But Harvard doesn’t hold classes in Trump Tower.

“It is not just an educational campus,” the school’s website says, making the tower one of its main selling points. “It is studying at the most powerful building in the world.”

But that school also appears to have fallen into turmoil.

In February, investors who claimed to be the Legacy’s majority owners sued the school’s founder, Alessandro Nomellini, demanding Nomellini give up control of the school and its offices. The investors included documents showing that, as of last year, the school owed $198,000 in unpaid rent, taxes and fees to Trump Tower. They asked a judge to cancel the lease entirely. Nomellini has challenged these claims in court.

Nomellini’s attorneys declined to comment to The Post — and then, on Wednesday, asked to withdraw from the case, saying that Nomellini had not paid their bills. Nomellini himself did not respond to questions from The Post.

Another major Trump Tower tenant — occupying all of the 21st floor and part of the 22nd — had been Marc Fisher Footwear, the manufacturer of shoes for Ivanka Trump’s now-shuttered brand and others. But earlier this year, the Trump Organization sued Marc Fisher Footwear for unpaid rent. The suit said the shoemaker had stopped paying rent in November 2020, and owed more than $1.4 million.

That lawsuit was settled on undisclosed terms in April. A person familiar with the suit said that Marc Fisher Footwear had vacated its spaces at Trump Tower. The firm did not respond to requests for comment from The Post.

Trump Tower does have office tenants still in place: Gucci still rents the massive retail space facing Fifth Avenue. The foundation of Trump friend Stewart Rahr still occupies space on the 24th floor, according to its website. The hops seller Hopsteiner moved in. The Industrial and Commercial Bank of China still rents office space, though it reportedly downsized in 2019. The bank did not respond to questions from The Post.

In the first quarter of this year — the latest for which data was available — Trump Tower’s commercial spaces were 75 percent occupied, according to Trepp data. That is lower than the occupancy rates for the tower from any year going back to 2013, Trepp reported. Citywide, this is not a good time to be trying to lease out office space. The effects of the coronavirus pandemic, combined with the construction of new buildings, have created an unusual glut of available space: A recent report by the firm Savills found that 18.4 percent of Manhattan office space was for rent, the highest level in decades.

One office has remained rented and producing income throughout this tumultuous time: Suite 1501. This 5,490-square-foot space was leased for years by Trump’s 2020 campaign, even though the campaign’s main headquarters was in Virginia. After Trump left office, his PAC moved in, according to the person familiar with the PAC. The person spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the committee’s finances.

The rate Trump’s PAC is paying Trump’s company for space in Trump’s tower appears to be about $85 per square foot annually. That’s close to the average for midtown Manhattan, according to Savills, though it’s less than the $122 per square foot that Trump got from Marc Fisher Footwear.

At Trump Tower, the former president’s PAC appears to be a quiet tenant. Under typical office conditions, with about one worker per 175 square feet, that much space might hold 30 people. But the PAC’s latest campaign-finance filing only listed three employees at that address as of June. And even those three don’t always work there, according to the person familiar with the PAC: They work from home, or follow Trump to his clubs in Palm Beach, Fla., and Bedminster, N.J.

Even when Trump does visit Trump Tower, the person said, he doesn’t use the PAC’s rented space. He works out of his old office up in the Trump Organization’s headquarters on the 25th and 26th floors.

One recent weekday, a Post reporter sought to visit the PAC’s office — but was turned away by a security guard, who said there was no point. Nobody would be there.

Even if Trump’s PAC was a loud tenant, it seems unlikely that the neighbors would notice. Trump’s own marketing materials indicate the other office space on the 15th floor is vacant.


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Supreme Court Shoot Themselves in Foot as Democrats Prepare for Battle to Expand CourtA protester holds a sign before a protest outside the Texas state capitol on May 29, 2021, in Austin, Texas. The Supreme Court's decision not to block a restrictive new Texas abortion law is likely to add to calls for its expansion. (photo: Sergio Flores/Getty)

Supreme Court Shoot Themselves in Foot as Democrats Prepare for Battle to Expand Court
Darragh Roche, Newsweek
Roche writes: "The U.S. Supreme Court's failure to block a restrictive new Texas abortion law may have handed 'ammunition' to progressives who want to see the court expanded, but reform remains unlikely."
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9/11 Was a Test. The Books of the Last Two Decades Show How America Failed.The Tribute in Light will not be illuminated this Sept. 11, 2020, due to the COVID-19 pandemic. (photo: Getty)

9/11 Was a Test. The Books of the Last Two Decades Show How America Failed.
Carlos Lozada, The Washington Post
Lozada writes: "It was an emergency, yes, that's understood. But that state of exception became our new American exceptionalism."
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Over Two Decades, US's Global War on Terror Has Taken Nearly 1 Million Lives and Cost $8 TrillionU.S. war in Afghanistan. (photo: Getty)

Over Two Decades, US's Global War on Terror Has Taken Nearly 1 Million Lives and Cost $8 Trillion
Murtaza Hussain, The Intercept
Hussain writes: "A new report from the Costs of War Project makes staggering estimates for the human and financial costs of the global forever wars."
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Facing Political Persecution, Colombian Protestors Need International SupportA collection of murals celebrating resistance and denouncing state violence in Girón, Santander. (photo: Emma Banks)

Facing Political Persecution, Colombian Protestors Need International Support
Emma Banks, NACLA
Banks writes: "Since April, Colombians have demanded change from their government and been met with violence."
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Ida Turns New York City Into a Front Line of Extreme Weather Supercharged by Climate ChangeMembers of the FDNY rescue a woman from her stalled car due to flash flooding in New York, Wednesday, September 1. (photo: Anthony Behar/AP)

Ida Turns New York City Into a Front Line of Extreme Weather Supercharged by Climate Change
Angela Dewan, CNN
Dewan writes: "After Hurricane Ida battered the southern US states, its remnants lashed the northeast on Wednesday night, transforming New York City into a danger zone Thursday morning."
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